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SOLIDARITY DEMONSTRATION for migrants and spaces of struggle VICTORIA SQ. 2 Nov. 2019 Athens Greece

sissydou — Fri, 01 Nov 2019 17:58:52 +0000

SOLIDARITY DEMONSTRATION FOR MIGRANTS AND SPACES OF STRUGGLE AGAINST THE STATE AND CAPITALIST DEVELOPMENT

VICTORIA SQUARE NOVEMBER 2, 2019, starts at 12:00 Athens Greece

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If you are a migrant…

Migrants are undervalued and attacked in all aspects of their lives. They follow the path of migration to escape war, poverty, and sometimes because of a desire for a better life. Wars are fomented by bosses and their states to serve either their political or economic goals – the exploitation of mineral resources, the development of the arms industry, the control of geostrategic locations. A concrete example is the Greek state, which together with its allies is currently participating in aerial combat operations in Afghanistan, while it also took part in the 2003 invasion of Iraq, which continues to this day, and triggered a resurgence of the chaos of war in the Middle East.

As they travel, migrants encounter murderous border regimes of which in recent years states have been tightening the control, closing safe passages and pushing people to even more dangerous routes. They are forced to handover their life savings to networks of people smugglers and risk drowning due to poor weather conditions or inadequate means of transport. There are recorded incidents where border police have attacked, pushed back, or even worse, sunk migrant boats. Even if they make it past this, the hellholes of Greece, Turkey, Cyprus, and Libya await them.

Initially, “hotspots” filter the population by collecting their personal data and then categorising it according to nationality and other arbitrary factors. The process ends with imprisonment or confinement to concentration camps that are guarded by the police and army. Thousands of people who share common characteristics, such as immigration, place of origin and difficult economic situations are crammed in the same space. These so-called “Hosting Structures” have clear racist and classist characteristics that are most harshly reflected in their living conditions. Such conditions consist of being housed in metal containers that become virtual ovens in the summer or in tents that become sodden and submerged in the winter, inadequate food to maximise contractors’ profits, and lack of basic health care and medication to the extent that creates a serious risk of mass infection or disease. Worst of all however is the loss of freedom, which is accompanied by indefinite detention, constant checks, and restrictions on movement.

The next test migrants face is the ongoing war by the cops in the neighbourhoods in which they live and work. Murders and beatings in police stations, ID checks and arrests that result in long-term detentions, disappearances and deportations. We will not forget the Nigerian, Ebuka, who was tortured to death inside Omonia police station in February 2019, nor the eight Algerians who ended up with broken limbs at the hands of the fascist guards in Petrou Ralli detention centre in 2018.

At work they are endlessly exploited, as they constitute the most invisible class of workers. The devaluation of their work is accompanied by total or partial exclusion from education, health and general public services. The work of migrants in Greece evokes similar practices in the 90s characterised by degrading wages, work on the black market and employer terrorism. Bosses take advantage of undocumented migrants for further exploitation. They create a state of fear attempting to suppress resistance by such means as calling the cops when the time comes to pay their salaries or maintaining a constant turnover of employees. On the other hand, there is the employer tactic of Manolada for the case of migrants with papers.

The war on migrants is organised by bosses and states who utilize inherently racist and nationalist myths in order to maintain and perpetuate exploitation. For example, the mainstream media today conceals the fact that since mid-2015 the number of new migrants in Greece is only 60,000, and their numbers remain constant. Instead, they propagate racist, nationalist, and militaristic propaganda all day with headlines like “invasion,” “landing” and “there’s no more room”. Obviously for us it is not a question of “room”, since we know that in our neighborhoods and our cities, there is room for all the oppressed and resisting people in the world.

Concentration camps as a national industry

Equally high on the agenda of the bosses’ political representatives is the continuation of the previous government’s policy of further developing the migrant concentration camp industry, with the creation of four new camps in the Attica region. A national industry that makes profits for private companies (NGOs), the Greek army (50% of migrants are now under the management of the army following the Mouzalas-Kammenos inter-ministerial agreement), catering bosses, security companies, property owners and various traffickers; that is to say, representatives of the inner core of the state.

At the same time, the NGO industry, operating both inside and outside the concentration camps, has become one of the most profitable and fastest growing for Greek capitalism. There is a raging conflict between the Greek and Turkish states over which warden will make the most profits from European Union people-guarding funds.

In March 2016 the EU decided to assign to Turkey the role of chief warden for its future workforce and signed the well-known EU-Turkey deal, while retaining other agreements with Greece, Egypt, Libyan tribal leaders, and others. For this reason, we believe that the demand for the annulment of the EU-Turkey agreement is about inter-state competition, rather than our class struggle.

These European states policies of illegalization and subjugation are used all over the world, for example by US capitalism towards workers from Latin America, and by Chinese capitalism after it has declared internal immigration illegal.

Resistance and Squatting as Means Of Resistance

In the face of these conditions migrants resist and rebel. They protest and set fire to the hellholes of Petrou Ralli, Samos, and Moria, they escape, occupy highways and trains, they camp at borders and clash with repressive forces of the state. And whenever they have the opportunity, they leave the concentration camps to return to the urban fabric, where they build their relationships in both social contexts and the work space. In urban centers they do a variety of jobs and sometimes fight to defend these only means of survival, such as the ASOEE peddlers’ joint struggle with anarchist-antiauthoritarian students.

They use and participate in the solidarity structures of the movement for housing and organising their lives in communities without terrorist control by the state. Such were Spyrou Trikoupi 15 Transito, Spyrou Trikoupi 17, the 2nd and 5th School and the most recently evicted squat Oneiro, as well as the dozens of squats evicted by Syriza, such as Azadi, New Babylon and Clandestina. These solidarity structures were located in the city near people, means of transport and communication, schools, and services needed by migrants to navigate the bureaucratic maze imposed by the state.

Squats, stekia (social spaces) and spaces of struggle in general, are multi-ethnic communities that in addition to housing migrants organise collective kitchens, medical centres, the supply of clothing and other essentials, self-organised classes, theatres, concerts, food production, and the collection of money and essentials for prisoners. These are communities that aspire to be shelters from domestic violence, patriarchy, and economic and political control of the state.

Beyond everyday needs and social structures, squats, social spaces and more generally spaces of struggle, are places for meeting and organizing for hundreds of oppressed, exploited and people in struggle. In squats such as the recently evicted Gare, Villa Amalias some years ago, and the majority of occupations in Greece, the voice of anarchist-antiauthoritarian militants and class consciousness germinates and is cultivated. In these spaces, actions against the state, capitalist and patriarchal interests are planned; and initiatives and collectives are created. The proliferation of squats reflects the rejection of the institution of private property, while at the same time their existence embodies this rejection. They support and nourish the revolutionary ideal that proclaims that the forces of the working classes and marginalized are able to expropriate buildings, occupy territories and build a life without state, capital, and patriarchy.

The fields of social/class struggle are not just in the defense of squats and social spaces. Squares and neighborhoods like Exarchia, whole places like Lefkimi and Skouries, schools and universities, are places where people fight against disastrous development plans and demarcate lines of defense against the armies of the state. That is why the spaces of struggle constitute a barrier to capitalist designs, and that is why the state has always tried to suppress them and discipline our own bodies. Fighters frustrate the efforts of the bosses and the state and leave an important legacy for the resistance of the future.

Growth means Devious Displacement

From Agrafa to Chania, from the center of Athens to the furthest island, the capitalist and state machinery is in the process of reorganising, promoting highly destructive development plans for both the environment and our neighborhoods. The renewable energy industry shaves and tears the mountains to build wind turbines, Pharaohnic projects that will last for a few years before becoming nothing but trash on a dead landscape. Works like the dam on the river Acheloos that is threatens to eradicate an entire village. Huge drills open deep wounds into the earth and the sea to absorb further fuels and minerals.

Beyond the plunder of nature, much of society is threatened as our neighborhoods are slowly being transformed into tourist resorts. The phenomenon of AirBnB, along with the material interests of landlords, are driving up rents while wages are kept to a minimum. The new conditions make us unable to meet the financial pressures and we are forced to abandon our neighbourhoods. Living costs are rising and our working future is reduced in the galley of the tourist industry, without even being able to live in the very neighborhoods in which we work. With the full support and involvement of the Municipality of Athens and local institutions of each area, our neighborhoods become advertising products and prey for the appetites of small or large bosses. At the same time, cop rule is stepping up to protect the smooth circulation of goods and to give businesspeople and consumers a sense of security. From the city to the countryside and from the islands to the mountains, the whole country is a construction site and centre of consumerism.

A holistic plan of state repression and capitalist development demands that we accept police rule and the standard of living that our bosses want to impose on us as normal.

As for Us

In the face of this, we respond that the class of oppressed and people in struggle can live and organise their lives without the oppression and exploitation of the state, capital, and patriarchy. Collectively organised into communities, neighborhood assemblies, and grassroots unions, with solidarity and self-defense structures, we can draw multiple strengths, resist, and brake the machines of social submission. Let’s not forget that all power and knowledge is in the hands of the exploited, and, together with the desire for creativity and freedom we can shoot for the sky.

– UNITED LOCAL AND MIGRANT STRUGGLES WITHOUT NATIONAL DIVISION

– NO TOLERANCE FOR CONCENTRATION CAMPS, PAPERS TO ALL MIGRANTS

– AGAINST THE DEVALUATION OF OUR LIVES AND THE DISPLACEMENT OF OUR BODIES

– AGAINST THE STATE, CAPITAL AND PATRIARCHY FOR SOCIAL AND CLASS FREEDOM

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Assembly of Occupied Spaces, Groups, Internationalists, migrants and people in solidarity

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Americans weird relation with Mexico- by Anthony Bourdain

crystalzero72 — Mon, 18 Feb 2019 17:04:37 +0000

Americans love Mexican food. We consume nachos, tacos, burritos, tortas, enchiladas, tamales and anything resembling Mexican in enormous quantities. We love Mexican beverages, happily knocking back huge amounts of tequila, mezcal, and Mexican beer every year. We love Mexican people—we sure employ a lot of them. Despite our ridiculously hypocritical attitudes towards immigration, we demand that Mexicans cook a large percentage of the food we eat, grow the ingredients we need to make that food, clean our houses, mow our lawns, wash our dishes, and look after our children. As any chef will tell you, our entire service economy—the restaurant business as we know it—in most American cities, would collapse overnight without Mexican workers. Some, of course, like to claim that Mexicans are “stealing American jobs.” But in two decades as a chef and employer, I never had ONE American kid walk in my door and apply for a dishwashing job, a porter’s position—or even a job as a prep cook. Mexicans do much of the work in this country that Americans, probably, simply won’t do.

We love Mexican drugs. Maybe not you personally, but “we”, as a nation, certainly consume titanic amounts of them—and go to extraordinary lengths and expense to acquire them. We love Mexican music, Mexican beaches, Mexican architecture, interior design, Mexican films.

So, why don’t we love Mexico?

We throw up our hands and shrug at what happens and what is happening just across the border. Maybe we are embarrassed. Mexico, after all, has always been there for us, to service our darkest needs and desires. Whether it’s dress up like fools and get passed-out drunk and sunburned on spring break in Cancun, throw pesos at strippers in Tijuana, or get toasted on Mexican drugs, we are seldom on our best behavior in Mexico. They have seen many of us at our worst. They know our darkest desires.

In the service of our appetites, we spend billions and billions of dollars each year on Mexican drugs—while at the same time spending billions and billions more trying to prevent those drugs from reaching us. The effect on our society is everywhere to be seen. Whether it’s kids nodding off and overdosing in small town Vermont, gang violence in L.A., burned out neighborhoods in Detroit—it’s there to see. What we don’t see, however, haven’t really noticed, and don’t seem to much care about, is the 80,000 dead in Mexico, just in the past few years—mostly innocent victims. Eighty thousand families who’ve been touched directly by the so-called “War On Drugs”.

Mexico. Our brother from another mother. A country, with whom, like it or not, we are inexorably, deeply involved, in a close but often uncomfortable embrace. Look at it. It’s beautiful. It has some of the most ravishingly beautiful beaches on earth. Mountains, desert, jungle. Beautiful colonial architecture, a tragic, elegant, violent, ludicrous, heroic, lamentable, heartbreaking history. Mexican wine country rivals Tuscany for gorgeousness. Its archeological sites—the remnants of great empires, unrivaled anywhere. And as much as we think we know and love it, we have barely scratched the surface of what Mexican food really is. It is NOT melted cheese over tortilla chips. It is not simple, or easy. It is not simply “bro food” at halftime. It is in fact, old—older even than the great cuisines of Europe, and often deeply complex, refined, subtle, and sophisticated. A true mole sauce, for instance, can take DAYS to make, a balance of freshly (always fresh) ingredients painstakingly prepared by hand. It could be, should be, one of the most exciting cuisines on the planet, if we paid attention. The old school cooks of Oaxaca make some of the more difficult and nuanced sauces in gastronomy. And some of the new generation—many of whom have trained in the kitchens of America and Europe—have returned home to take Mexican food to new and thrilling heights.

It’s a country I feel particularly attached to and grateful for. In nearly 30 years of cooking professionally, just about every time I walked into a new kitchen, it was a Mexican guy who looked after me, had my back, showed me what was what, and was there—and on the case—when the cooks like me, with backgrounds like mine, ran away to go skiing or surfing or simply flaked. I have been fortunate to track where some of those cooks come from, to go back home with them. To small towns populated mostly by women—where in the evening, families gather at the town’s phone kiosk, waiting for calls from their husbands, sons and brothers who have left to work in our kitchens in the cities of the North. I have been fortunate enough to see where that affinity for cooking comes from, to experience moms and grandmothers preparing many delicious things, with pride and real love, passing that food made by hand from their hands to mine.

In years of making television in Mexico, it’s one of the places we, as a crew, are happiest when the day’s work is over. We’ll gather around a street stall and order soft tacos with fresh, bright, delicious salsas, drink cold Mexican beer, sip smoky mezcals, and listen with moist eyes to sentimental songs from street musicians. We will look around and remark, for the hundredth time, what an extraordinary place this is.

The received wisdom is that Mexico will never change. That is hopelessly corrupt, from top to bottom. That it is useless to resist—to care, to hope for a happier future. But there are heroes out there who refuse to go along. On this episode of “Parts Unknown,” we meet a few of them. People who are standing up against overwhelming odds, demanding accountability, demanding change—at great, even horrifying personal cost.”

Anthony Bourdain

Anthony Michael Bourdain (June 25, 1956 – June 8, 2018) was an American celebrity chef, author, and travel documentarian who starred in programs focusing on the exploration of international culture, cuisine, and the human condition. He was considered one of the most influential chefs in the world.

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photos: Tasos Sagris (Void Network tour in Mexico 2008)

The post Americans weird relation with Mexico- by Anthony Bourdain appeared first on Void Network.

Touching the heart: about the blackmail concerning ‘the immigrants’

voidnetwork — Fri, 28 Sep 2018 19:00:00 +0000

During the last 10 years, a lot of comrades in different countries have participated in the struggle around the question of migration, whether it be about the struggle of paperless people to get regularized, the struggle around housing in poor neighbourhoods, the struggle against raids on the street and on the public transport or the struggle against the detention centres. Often these have led to a repetition of certain impasses or to powerlessness regarding possible interventions.

A recipe does not exist, but we do consider it necessary to break with some militant mechanisms which have too often made us struggle on an activist base lacking perspectives or agitate under the directions of authoritarian groups, with or without papers. These thoughts simply want to draw up the balance of struggle experiences and to work out some possible tracks for the development of a subversive projectuality around migration and its management, a projectuality which we can call ours.

Beyond the illusion of the ‘immigrant’

Having a closer look on the protagonists of a social conflict and subordinate them to more or less militant sociological analyses is a classical approach towards an attempt to understand the context of a social conflict and to intervene in it. Not only does this approach focus upon finding the answer to the mysterious question “who are they?” instead of examining ourselves about what we want, it is as well based upon some doctrines which disturb our critical reflection. Next to the usual leftist racketeers who are desperately looking for no matter what political subject which can bring them to the head of a resistance, a lot of sincere others are to be found alongside the paperless people. But since they consider the specific situation of the paperless as something exterior, they are mostly rather driven by an outrage instead of by a desire to struggle together with those who share a common (although not exactly the same) condition: exploitation, police control on the streets or on the public transport, housing in the outskirts or in the neighbourhoods which are being upgraded, illegal activities which are part of the survival techniques. Both of them often reproduce all of the divisions which are useful to the domination. Creating a new general image of the immigrant-victim-in-struggle equals the introduction of a sociological mystification which does not only hinder every common struggle but as well strengthens the states grip on all of us.

Libertarian or radical activists (who nonetheless have a certain intuition about what could be a possible common track) are fairly often not the last ones swallowing this pill in their need of collectivity or in the name of the autonomousness of the struggle, as if the struggle is put up by some sort of homogeneous block instead of by individuals, potential accomplices at least against a certain oppression. In relation to the paperless people all of the sudden the methods of struggle (self organisation, refusal of institutional mediation, direct action) became way more relative. The good Samaritan will always appear to explain, using some classical arguments out of the militant tirade, that breaking the windows of an air company which deports during a manifestation will bring the paperless ‘into danger’ (them who nonetheless face up to the police day by day); that the struggle against fascists (e.g. the members of the Turkish Grey Wolves), nationalists (e.g. certain refugees who came here after the disintegration of former Yugoslavia) or priests (e.g. the priest who ‘refuges’ the paperless in ‘his’ church to afterwards kick them out, the Christian associations which take up the vile task of the state like Cimade, Caritas International or the Red Cross) ends at the doorstep of the paperless collectives; that you can spit into the face of a French or Belgian ambassador but not into the face of a Malian one which comes mediating a struggle that threatens to radicalise (idem the leftist politicians who are generally considered unacceptable but being tolerated in the name of a false unity which is demanded by some chief of a paperless collective).

It is known to everybody that a struggle always departs from the existent and that the initial differences often differ a lot (e.g. the relation towards the trade unions in the major part of the struggles concerned with exploitation), but according to us it’s all about going beyond those in a subversive dynamic. We will certainly not succeed in this by accepting the variety of authoritarian straitjackets – the goal is already in the means you acquire. Moreover because this relativism doesn’t lead towards a confrontation in the struggle but to some sort of reverse colonialism which makes the immigrants once more into an object with a supposedly different-being (“they” would be like that). In that case the misery is not intended to scare off but to excuse all renouncement.

The “innocent immigrant”, the passive eternal victim which is being exploited, arrested, locked up and deported is one of the most prominent characters of this ideological narrowing down. As a reaction to the daily racist propaganda which aims at giving the immigrant the role of the social enemy who is the source of all evil (from unemployment to unsafety and terrorism), a lot of people de facto deny the immigrant all criminal capacity. They aim at presenting the immigrants as being servile, begging for their integration with hopes on a less detestable place in the society of the capital. In this way thousands of refugees are being transformed into sympathetic and therefore integratable victims: victims of war, of ‘natural’ catastrophes and misery, of human traffickers and rack-renters. But what is forgotten are the changes these tracks make to individuals: they create solidarity, resistance and struggle which allow some of them to break the passivity which was attributed to them.

Surprise and embarrassed silence rule the leftist camp and her democratic antiracism when these ‘innocents’ defend themselves by all means against the faith imposed on them (e.g. revolts in detention centres, confrontations during raids, wild strikes…). The revolts expressed in a collective way might still be understood by some as “those deeds of desperation”, but a prisoner putting his cell on fire all alone is called a “maniac” whose deed most certainly does not constitute as part of the “struggle”. Hunger strikers in a church are wanted, not the arsonists or escaped prisoners from the detention centres; the people who have been thrown out of the window of a police station or drowned are being understood, but not those who resist against the police during a raid; parents of children attending school get helped with pleasure, in contrast to the bachelor thieves. The revolt and the individuals who revolt do not fit into the sociological framework of the immigrant-victim that has been made up by the good conscience of the militant with the aid of the academic parasites of the state.

This mystification hinders a more precise understanding of migration and the migration streams. Clearly, migrations in the first place are a consequence of the daily economical terror of the capital and the political terror of local regimes and their bourgeoisie, all of which give profit to the rich countries. Nevertheless it would be incorrect to state that only the poor proletarians migrate to the rich countries as is sworn to by the thirdworldists in their construction of the immigrant-victim subject. The migrants who succeed in entering the gates of Europe clandestinely are not necessarily the poorest (since those are forced to internal migrations to the cities or to neighbouring countries according to the fluctuations of the market and her disasters) – be it even only because of the cost (financial and human) of such a travel or the social and cultural selection inside of the family of those who can afford taking such a step.

If we try to understand everything that forms and traverses every individual rather than setting down the difference and otherness in order to justify an exterior position of ‘support’, we can view a whole complexity including the class differences. At that point we can determine that the collectives of paperless do as well exist out of over certified graduates, failed politicians, local exploiters who managed their travelling money on the expense of others… who migrate to this side of the world because they want to take their enjoyable place inside of the capitalist democracy. Thus many groups of paperless are being dominated by those who were already powerful (be it on a social, political or symbolical level) or were striving for it. These class differences are seldomly taken into account by comrades engaged in a struggle together with paperless people, a struggle in which language becomes an unavoidable and invisible barrier assigning the immigrants coming from the richer classes of their country automatically to the role of spokesman and translator. Sharpening these class differences as we do everywhere is not simply a contribution which can be made by comrades but a necessary condition for real solidarity.

In order to understand these struggle dynamics, throwing some comfortable illusions into the garbage bin is necessary as well. Only a stubborn determinism can claim that a certain social condition necessarily implicates the revolt against it. This kind of reasoning used to offer the guarantee of a revolution, a guarantee that many have cherished for a long time while simultaneously degrading the perspective of the individual rebellion which generalizes into insurrection to the level of an adventure. The criticism made on a determinism that has shown its failure in the old workers movement is suitable as well for the proletarians which migrate to this side of the world. Many amongst them look at the West as some kind of oasis where you can live nicely as long as you’re prepared to make big efforts. Undergoing conditions of exploitation that resemble what they’ve been running away from, with bosses who as well play on the paternalistic snare of belonging to a so called common community; being chased; not having any or only a few perspectives on climbing higher on the social ladder and a daily racism which tries to canalize the dissatisfaction of the other exploited, all of this makes up a rude reality to confront. Contrasting the resignation which can sprout from this painful confrontation or the reflex of locking oneself up into the authoritarian communities which are based on for example religion or nationalism, we put forward the perspective not to link up with all paperless in a ‘categorical’ way but with those who refuse their role as exploited and by this way open as well the identification of the enemy. We don’t want the blaming between the capitalist universality and the particularities but a social war in which we can recognize each other beyond the question of papers and different degrees of exploitation, in a permanent struggle for a society free of masters and slaves. As in any struggle in fact, would it not be that the struggle around migration mostly ends by the weight of the affective feeling of guilt, the urgency to prevent a deportation and its possible consequences, and all of this mostly via a relation based on exteriority instead of on a shared revolt.

The impasse of the struggle for regularisation

In several European countries, a lot of ‘massive’ regularisations took place at the last turn of the century. Although the State follows her own logic, the struggling paperless were able to influence the criteria and rhythm of the regularisations. A comparison can be made to all “big social reforms”, some of which have been achieved through bloodshed while others were buy-outs to maintain the social peace or simply granted in function of capitals need to keep the working class grouped and to increase interior consumption. In those days debates about demands that suit the capitals movement in contrast to insurrectional try-outs were going on in the working class as well. A lot of revolutionaries only accepted these demands as a possibility towards permanent agitation while at the same time it was clearly put that the social question could not be solved inside of a capitalist framework.

In the time preceding to these regularisation waves the States were divided between two adversary logics: the growing stream of clandestine migration did on the one hand fit the economic need for flexible workers (as in the construction, catering industry, cleaning sector, agriculture) of countries with an ageing population, on the other hand did this partly denied (as in countries knowing a more recent migration as Spain and Italy) but especially in nature less controllable population disturb the drastic will to manage the public order. While this issue was quickly resolved – more specifically by a closer cooperation between the different authorities (through the exchange of services between the imams and police offices as well as through the distribution of tasks amongst the different foreign and autochthonous mobs, despite some previous bloody games which had to do with unavoidable concurrence) -, the issue of the need for workers was resolved by a tighter interdependence between migration streams and the labour market. It seems to be one of the ruling tendencies on a European level to aim at a more worked out migration management which is tuned up in real time to the needs of the exploitation. Next to the classic labour form of the migrants (work in black) stands the migration which links the permit to stay to a working contract which will become the rule overtime, fitting the reorganisation of the labour delicacy which extends to everybody.

The state has almost put an end to the political asylum, has tightened up the family reunion and the obtainment of citizenship by marriage, has abolished the permit to stay for a longer period (like the one of 10 years in France), while she’s on the other hand rejecting regularisation demands using an iron fist. The state directs itself towards what was called “chosen migration” by a certain president. We’re returning to the era in which the sergeant recruiters went to the villages and loaded trucks with the amount of migrants needed by their bosses. The modern formula simply asks a rationalisation of this recruitment on the borders, co managed by the state and the employers (2). The workers are absolutely not supposed to stay and settle down. At the same time different camps at the external borders of Europe are under construction by the state, camps for those who have not been chosen by the grace of the slave tradesmen.

Because all the others are there. All those standing in front of a closed gate and all those continuing to arrive. That’s what’s at stake for the change in the degree of the police rationalisation of the deportation system which continues multiplying its camps and organizes more and more massive deportations, national quotes and European charter flights for those who managed their way through the locks of the waiting zones and the racketeering of the human traffickers and other mobs. However nobody cherishes any real illusions: the number of migrants without papers will increase as long as the economic causes continue to exist no matter what deployment (as can be seen at the border between Mexico and the States where a wall of 1200 kilometres is under construction), which will have no consequences apart from the increase of the passage costs and the amount of dead. Only the multiplication of her deportations would enable the state to apply her laws concerning forced expulsion from the territory. But that is not the question, because these deployments do not primarily aim at deporting all paperless, but serve to terrorize the whole of the immigrated workers (the regularized as well as those chosen to have a permit to stay) so that their condition of exploitation which resembles the one they escaped can remain unaltered (internal delocalisation in a certain way) while pressure is put down on the whole of the exploitation conditions. The racist excuse moreover serves to deploy the arsenal of social control which touches everybody.

But let us neither forget about the changing character of migration itself. Industrial capitalism used workers as pawns on a game board following an easy logic: here we have too many workers and there we need them. And whenever the need was rather small, other aspects of this population politics were put into action. However, this specific form of migration control has changed as a result of the restructuring of the economic aspect and because of the consequences of industrial growth. You can notice that speaking of a point of departure as well as a point of arrival becomes more difficult. The points of department have been devastated by hunger, war and disasters while the destinations are changing all the time. In this way migration becomes an endless track consisting of different stages; it’s no longer a movement from point A to B. These new forms of migration are not only being defined by the needs of a constantly flexible and adjustable capital. Millions of people, uprooted by the devastation of the places where they were been born are swarming all over this world – ready to be put at work. And the deployments of this control are very visible: the humanitarian refugee camps, the camps at the borders, the slums and the favelas. The struggles for regularisation seem to pose rather few questions concerning this new fact. The situation in Belgium is a good example of the current impasses of the struggle for regularisation. The state acted simultaneously as a lion and a fox when the tension around the closed centres began to rise in 1998. As a lion she repressed the most rebellious parts of the movement (murder of Semira Adamu (3) who was resisting stiffly in the centres; house searches and arrest of comrades who were active in this struggle). As a fox she started negotiating about regularisations with the other part of the movement. Clearly, the demand for regularisation (besides the fact that it equals the demand for integration) does require certain credibility, a recognized mediator. The movement got hit in this way. Regularisation, which once used to be the answer of the state to the tension and agitation which challenged the whole of the migration politics (using slogans against all camps or for a free circulation), became the goal for most of the paperless groups. Instead of forcing the state to give a bonus by struggling, the collectives started a dialogue which was followed by negotiations which attracted a whole army of professional negotiators and juridical charlatans who would solve all problems. The dynamics were on the one hand broken by repression and on the other hand by the start of a bureaucratic dialogue. Neither the successive self-mutilations (as the hunger strikes outside of the camps), nor the most servile self-abasements were enough to win what in a certain way used to be an answer of the state on agitation. The first answer of the state was combined with a rationalisation of the closed centres and a stricter adjustment of the permits to stay in connection to the needs of the economy (the state herself gave different colours to the cards).

During the last years the current situation with its cycle of occupations/hunger strikes/deportations suffocated us during the last years in a struggle experience which offered only a few possibilities to go beyond and share a perspective: experiences of self organisation which do not accept neither politician nor religious or trade union leaders; direct actions which permit the development of a real power balance and the identification of the class enemy in all of her aspects. These observations lead us to feel the need and desire for developing a subversive projectuality departing from our bases, instead of running behind an enlargement (which seems to be more and more further away) based on the demand for regularisation. This projectuality could find her first anchors in the revolt which is factually shared amongst those who struggle for the destruction of the centres and those who (e.g. the rebels of Vincennes or Steenokkerzeel) put the critic of detention into deeds by putting their prison on fire.

Against the deportation machine

While facing these difficulties a debate that is still going on nowadays rises: the debate about solidarity. A lot of comrades continue defending the necessity –at whatever cost- of our presence inside of the paperless groups, until they retreat from any similar struggle, disgusted after so many blows. The justifications are diverse and most of the time a reflection of an activism or of comfortable recipes lacking imagination, lacking any real desire for subversion. And here as well: although the collective character of an action is no criterion for us, we do understand the need “to break the isolation” felt by some comrades. Nevertheless do we doubt if we can manage this by participating in endless meetings, being locked up with 30 people in a squat or an apartment block of paperless and leftists. We tend more towards the development of our own project and so to start from our own bases. As long as solidarity is understood as support to certain social categories, it will continue being an illusion. Even if it would entail some more radical methods, it will continuously be dragged along in a conflict with bases, methods and perspectives which are not ours at all. The only justification left is claiming that by taking part in these conflicts we can ‘radicalize’ the people because their social condition would necessarily lead them towards sharing our ideas. As long as this concept of ‘radicalisation’ is understood as a task of missionaries wanting others to swallow their ideas it will continue to be stuck in the impasse which we notice growing everywhere around. This ‘radicalisation’ however can as well be understood as openness of our dynamic towards others, enabling us to guarantee the autonomy of our own projectuality. In this way, ‘being together’ in a struggle and going forward on the level of perspectives as well as methods demands an existing basic affinity, a first rupture, a first desire that goes beyond the usual demands. In this way our demand for mutuality can become meaningful. There are a lot more tracks to explore than the continuation of the connection which only reason for existing is the maintenance of the fiction of the political subject that in the name of its statute as being the main victim, monopolizes the reason for the struggle and by this way the struggle itself. To put things clear we could say that solidarity is in need of a mutual recognition in deeds as well as in words. It is difficult to be solidary with a paperless “in struggle” who demands his regularisation and the one of his family without any interest whatsoever in the perspective of the destruction of the closed centres. Maybe we would still meet somewhere but this will be on a purely practical base: we don’t need to analyse the reasons nor perspectives which bring somebody to revolt in order to recognize ourselves, at least partly, in these deeds of attack which automatically turn against the responsibles of this misery. As counts for most of the intermediary struggles: there is only a very limited sense in participating to a factory conflict which departs from demands for wage and does not overcome the trade unionist framework, nor develops any sign of direct action. It is limited because there simply is no common base. New perspectives open up at the moment when these workers start sabotaging (even if they regard it as a means to pressure the bosses) or kick out their deputes (even if only because they feel betrayed).

So, instead of holding on to more and more slogans such as “solidarity with the immigrants / in struggle” (but which struggle?), we could develop a projectuality against the closed centres using methods and ideas which are ours and subversive in the sense that they question the foundations of this world (the exploitation and domination). This projectuality would be autonomous and strengthened by deeds of revolt contrasting the overall resignation, and strengthening these deeds in return. Again, recipes do not exist but today it is important to go beyond the impasses of a more or less humanist activism which hinders any radical autonomy in favour of an agitation which conceives the cadence of power or follows the logic of the only as legitimate conceived actors of the struggle, while it is actually the freedom of all which is at stake as for example in the case of the raids. As it is important to put forward perspectives which, beyond the partial goals developed in these intermediary struggles, are able to widen up the matter to a horizon which finally questions the whole of this world and its horror; meaning perspectives which are able to always put forward the matters of domination and exploitation. The diffuse attacks could make up the heart of this projectuality. Not only do they offer the advantage of exceeding the powerlessness felt while standing in front of the wall or barbed wire of a camp or while being confronted to a raid with a police deployment that can adjust itself and count on the passivity and fear of the passer-bys, but as well and especially do they offer us on the one hand the possibility to develop our own temporality and on the other hand to show everyone that the structures of the deportation machine which can be found on every corner of the street are vulnerable and at last they offer real action possibilities to everyone, regardless of the number they are.

/Some enthusiastic Internationalists
http://acorpsperdu.wikidot.com/touching-the-heart

The post Touching the heart: about the blackmail concerning ‘the immigrants’ appeared first on Void Network.

Nazi Govern USA: 10,000 migrant children at 100 concentration camps in 14 states

crystalzero72 — Tue, 26 Jun 2018 11:05:39 +0000

We try to follow the news but its not easy. Nazi govern USA and the federal government using police and the army for building concentration camps all over AmeriKKKa. For one more time in history as in in previous decades in Africa, in Australia (with the Aboriginals) and in Europe (with Roma, communists, anarchists, disabled people and Jews) the USA government take the kids of the people in custody, steal the children from the mothers, separate families, giving drugs to the kids to keep them calm and imprison the adults . Immigrant Children Separated From Parents At The Borders? This is genocide! We Will STOP USA NAZI Government. Smash the Borders! Smash the detention centers- Void Network

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Over 10,000 migrant children are now in US government custody at 100 shelters in 14 states

The number of migrant children held without their parents by the US government has surged 21% since last month to 10,773 children, the Washington Post reported.
The uptick comes after the Trump administration imposed a new “zero tolerance” policy to prosecute migrants who cross the US border illegally.
The policy means that migrant parents who cross the border with their children are forcibly separated while they await criminal prosecution.

The Trump administration’s new “zero tolerance” policy toward migrants who cross the US border illegally has driven up the number of migrant children held in government custody without their parents, the Washington Post reported Tuesday.

The US Health and Human Services Department said it was holding 10,773 migrant children in custody as of Tuesday — up 21% from the 8,886 it was holding a month earlier.

The surge comes in the wake of the Trump administration’s new tactic to criminally prosecute every person who crosses into the US illegally, which requires them to be separated from any children they brought with them while they’re detained.

But it’s unclear exactly how many of the 10,773 children being held in government custody were actually forcibly separated from their parents — a Customs and Border Protection official told lawmakers at a hearing last week that 658 children had been separated from 638 adults between May 6 and May 19 under the new zero tolerance policy.

Many of the other children may have arrived at the border unaccompanied. They’re typically held in government custody briefly before being placed with “sponsors,” who are usually parents or immediate relatives of the children.

The shelters the children are staying in are at 95% capacity and are expected to add thousands of bed spaces in the coming weeks, one HHS official told the Post.

To house migrant children, HHS relies on “an existing network of approximately 100 shelters in 14 states.”

HHS has also reportedly weighed housing migrant children on military bases, but the HHS official told the Post that measure is being considered only as a “last option.”

The Trump administration has come under fire in recent weeks for its policies toward migrant children. The family separation policy sparked an uproar, particularly after the White House chief of staff John Kelly dismissed concerns that the policy was “cruel” during a recent interview with NPR.

“The children will be taken care of — put into foster care or whatever,” Kelly said. “But the big point is they elected to come illegally into the United States and this is a technique that no one hopes will be used extensively or for very long.”

Anger over the issue reached a boiling point last week, when a month-old piece of news resurfaced, prompting Trump critics to assail the government for losing track of 1,475 immigrant children who arrived at the border alone.

But both the Trump administration and immigration advocates have sought to tamp down concerns about those children, many of whom may have deliberately chosen not to tell the federal government where they are.

Michelle Mark May. 30, 2018

source: http://www.businessinsider.com

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Trump Administration And Advocates Clash Over What’s Next For Migrant Children

June 11, 2018

There are now more than 10,000 migrant children in U.S. government custody.

These are teenagers who fled violence in Central America. And children who were separated from their parents after they crossed the U.S.-Mexico border illegally.

How the children should be cared for and what happens to them is part of a growing clash between the Trump administration and advocates.

One of these young migrants made the long trek from El Salvador last year and turned herself in to U.S. authorities at the border.

She wanted to live with her aunt in Texas. She always believed that’s what her mother would have wanted.

Her mother died when she was nine months old, and her grandparents raised her. She’s 17 years old now.

“She’s a very intelligent girl,” says her aunt, who asked that we not use their names. She worries that speaking out could hurt her niece’s asylum claim.

“She always goes to church,” the aunt added, as she sat in her small apartment in San Antonio, describing the many months she spent trying to win her niece’s release.

Typically, children asking for asylum are held by the Office of Refugee Resettlement for less than two months. Then they are released to a sponsor. That can be a parent, a close adult relative, or foster parents.

Her niece didn’t have an official birth certificate, so she was detained for 16 months.

“I gave them every proof that I could, everything they asked for,” says the aunt.

The aunt says she provided U.S. authorities with proof that she and her niece were related, including fingerprints, many documents from El Salvador and even a DNA test.

The niece’s lawyers say they got the runaround. The lawyers also say they’re not alone and that other kids have been detained longer than necessary. The lawyers say the delay violates rules on how the children should be treated.

Those rules are contained in what’s known as the Flores settlement, a federal court agreement dating back to 1997, said Leecia Welch, an attorney with the National Center for Youth Law based in Oakland, Calif.

“At its core, the Flores case stands for the common sense proposition that children should be raised by families and not government facilities,” said Welch.

Her legal group is one of two California nonprofits fighting in court to make sure the Flores settlement is followed.

Under the settlement, the government agreed to release migrant children from custody “without unnecessary delay.” Until then, the government agreed to detain them in the “least restrictive” setting possible.

But Welch said the government isn’t living up to these promises. She said children are being detained too long and that too many are being detained in secure, jail-like settings, even psychiatric facilities.

“We’re also seeing the Office of Refugee Resettlement place some children in facilities where they’re administered very powerful psychotropic medications for weeks, months or even years without first obtaining parental or judicial authorization,” Welch said.

In court declarations, some children said that they have been told they have to take the medications if they ever hope to leave detention. Others claimed they have been forcibly injected.

In a legal response, the government said children can be sent to more secure facilities if they are a danger or an escape risk. It also said psychotropic drugs, or medications used to treat mental illness, are used in compliance with state laws and regulations.

Meanwhile, in Washington, the Trump administration has made it clear that it wants to end the protections laid out in the Flores settlement.

“We urgently need Congress to pass legislation to close legal loopholes that are being exploited to gain entry into our country,” Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen said on Capitol Hill last month.

“We need to get rid of the Flores settlement,” she added.

Nielsen and others in the administration believe that the current system creates a magnet for migrant children, including members of the violent MS-13 gang. They say the kids know they can come to the U.S. illegally, get released in short order, and then disappear to live here undocumented.

“I think this is essentially disinformation that’s being put out,” said Bob Carey, who directed the Office of Refugee Resettlement during the Obama administration. It is the agency that runs the shelters and detention centers for migrant children.

“Disinformation to state that the Flores agreement in any way, that it’s bad law or that it compromises security when it largely relates to how children in custody are cared for,” he added.

A court hearing on the future of the Flores settlement and the rules for treating migrant children is scheduled for later this month.

RICHARD GONZALES

source: National Public Radio

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Trump Admin to Indefinitely Detain Migrant Families Together; No Plan to Reunite Separated Children

Undocumented Mother: Stop Separation of Migrant Children by Dropping Charges Against Their Parents

best source for following the news: Democracy NOW:

https://www.democracynow.org/topics/immigration

The post Nazi Govern USA: 10,000 migrant children at 100 concentration camps in 14 states appeared first on Void Network.

«ΞΕΝΟΦΟΒΙΑ, ο φόβος για κάθε τι που δεν είναι ίδιο με εσένα» του Τάσου Σαγρή // “XENOPHOBIA, the fear for anything is not same with you!” by Tasos Sagris

voidweb — Wed, 16 Mar 2016 09:54:00 +0000

An aerial view shows the Zaatari refugee camp on July 18, 2013 near the Jordanian city of Mafraq, some 8 kilometers from the Jordanian-Syrian border. The northern Jordanian Zaatari refugee camp, now home to 160,000 Syrians, equal in size to what would be Jordan’s fifth-largest city.

Καθώς βλέπουμε την Ευρώπη να αντιμετωπίζει τους πρόσφυγες με τον ίδιο τρόπο στον οποίο εξασκείται εδώ και αιώνες, στήνοντας φράχτες, στρατιωτικούς ελέγχους και στρατόπεδα συγκέντρωσης για τους ξένους, τους διαφορετικούς και τους διαφωνούντες, είμαστε υποχρεωμένοι να αναρωτηθούμε, έχει αλλάξει τίποτα πραγματικά στην Ευρώπη από την εποχή του Νταχάου και του Άουσβιτς;

Η εικόνα των Δανών αστυνομικών να αφαιρούν τα τιμαλφή αντικείμενα από τους πρόσφυγες με πρόσχημα την κάλυψη των εξόδων για τον ίδιο τους τον εγκλεισμό σε στρατόπεδα συγκέντρωσης, η γενική άνοδος της ναζιστικής και ρατσιστικής δεξιάς σε όλη την Ευρώπη αλλά και τα υστερικά παραληρήματα ενάντια στους Μουσουλμάνους από τον Ντόναλντ Τράμπ, δημοφιλή υποψήφιο για την εκπροσώπηση του Ρεπουμπλικανικού κόμματος στις εκλογές για την προεδρεία της Αμερικής, απαιτούν μια επανεξέταση του τι σημαίνει να είσαι σήμερα διαφορετικός στον Δυτικό κόσμο, τον κόσμο που αυτοανακηρύχθηκε προστάτης της «Δημοκρατίας» και των «Ανθρώπινων Δικαιωμάτων».

Η Τζούντιθ Μπάτλερ δίνει έναν αποκαλυπτικό ορισμό για την βία όταν λέει ότι αυτή εκδηλώνεται με όλους τους τρόπους «όταν δρούμε ενάντια σε κάποιον, όταν βάζουμε τους άλλους σε ρίσκο, προξενούμε βλάβη, τραύμα ή ζημιά στους άλλους ή όταν απειλούμε την ύπαρξη τους με εξαφάνιση». Υπό αυτή την λογική ίσως είναι καιρός να αρχίσουμε να παρατηρούμε προσεχτικά την βία που εξασκεί ο καπιταλισμός μέσα από τα λόγια ενός τηλε-δημοσιογράφου, τις αποφάσεις, τις υπογραφές και τις ανακοινώσεις των πολιτικών, τις καθημερινές σημαντικές και ασήμαντες γραφειοκρατικές επιλογές των αρμόδιων τεχνοκρατών, των managers, των διευθυντών και των κυβερνητών μας. Μια βία διαρκής και εντατική που εξασκείται από τον καπιταλισμό και την Αντιπροσωπευτική Δημοκρατία με αφηρημένους και από-υλοποιημένους όρους , με τραγικά όμως και πολύ «υλικά» αποτελέσματα, ακόμα και αν δεν απαιτείται πλέον να φτάσει έως την ολοκληρωτική εξάλειψη πληθυσμών και την γενοκτονία. Απαιτεί όμως την συνεχή εξάλειψη κάθε διαφορετικότητας, την επιβολή της αφομοίωσης καθενός και καθεμίας μας σε μια δομή ενιαία και συμπαγή όπου κάθε δίοδος διαφυγής ή άλλος τρόπος να ζεις και να υπάρχεις έχει απαλειφθεί και ποινικοποιηθεί.
Η Ξενοφοβία υπήρξε σχεδόν από πάντα χαρακτηριστικό της ανθρώπινης κατάστασης, δεν πρέπει να ξεχνάμε όμως πως πάντα αυτός ο «ξένος» που φοβόμαστε δεν είναι κάθε είδους αλλά πολύ συγκεκριμένο είδος «ξένου».

Ο Τabish Khair, είναι Ινδός πολιτικός επιστήμονας από το Bihar, μια από τα πιο φτωχές περιοχές του πλανήτη, ο οποίος ζει και διδάσκει σήμερα στην Δανία. Στο καινούργιο του βιβλίο «Η Νέα Ξενοφοβία» μελετά μέσα στους αιώνες, τους τρόπους με τους οποίους το κυρίαρχο πολιτισμικό παράδειγμα, ο καπιταλισμός, αναγνωρίζει, περιορίζει και εξαλείφει την διαφορετικότητα διατηρώντας την κυριαρχία του σε κάθε εποχή.

Αυτό που ονομάζει «Παλαιά Ξενοφοβία» κατασκεύαζε την μορφή του ξένου πάνω στα προφανή χαρακτηριστικά της διαφοράς. Οι «ξένοι» αποτελούν απειλή επειδή ερμηνεύονται ως διαφορετικοί, η βασική έμφαση δίνεται σε όλα τα στοιχεία του «ξένου» που τον κάνουν διαφορετικό από εμάς. Κατά παράδοξο τρόπο, η παλαιά ξενοφοβία αναγνωρίζει την ύπαρξη της διαφορετικότητας, αν και στέκεται εχθρικά απέναντι της.

Εν αντιθέσει, η «Νέα Ξενοφοβία» εξαφανίζει κάθε ίχνος διαφοράς, επιβάλει την ομοιομορφία. Στην «Νέα Ξενοφοβία, ο ξένος παραμένει ξένος αλλά δεν του επιτρέπεται να προβάλει καμία διαφορά. Στην παλαιά ξενοφοβία δεν υπάρχουν φαντασιώσεις αφομοίωσης των ξένων, στην νέα ξενοφοβία το κυρίαρχο φαντασιακό είναι αυτό της πλήρους αφομοίωσης τους. Με ένα παράξενο τρόπο όμως τελικά, αυτό το μοντέλο καταλήγει να είναι πιο ξενοφοβικό από το παλιό, μιας και τώρα οι «ξένοι» εξαναγκάζονται να προσαρμοστούν, να συμμορφωθούν, να υπακούσουν στις νόρμες της κυρίαρχης κουλτούρας και να διαγράψουν ή να αποκρύψουν τα στοιχεία της διαφοράς τους.

Ο Καρλ Μαρξ είχε επιχειρηματολογήσει συγκρίνοντας την παλαιά, φεουδαρχική, και την ύστερη, καπιταλιστική εκμετάλλευση λέγοντας πως στην φεουδαρχία η εκμετάλλευση ήταν ορατή και έκδηλη, ενώ στον καπιταλισμό γίνεται αόρατη, άδηλη αλλά πολύ ισχυρότερη. Αντίστοιχα η νέα ξενοφοβία εκδηλώνεται με αόρατους και αφηρημένους τρόπους, λιγότερο εγχαραγμένη στα σώματα και περισσότερο εμφανής στις σχέσεις και τις εξαναγκαστικές λειτουργίες των θυμάτων της, εφαρμόζοντας μεθόδους που σκοπό έχουν να εξαφανίσουν τα ίχνη της διαφοράς και της ιδιαιτερότητας από τα σώματα παρά να αφήσουν ίχνη σε αυτά με το μαστίγιο, τις αλυσίδες και τις άλλες μορφές επιβολής του παλιού πολιτισμού. Τα αποτελέσματα όμως και αυτής της νέας ξενοφοβίας είναι τελικά το ίδιο απάνθρωπα και καταστροφικά.

Ο Tabish Khair, στο βιβλίο του αναφέρει ένα χαρακτηριστικό απόσπασμα από την εφημερίδα The Guardian: “Στην εποχή μας, κανένας δεν δηλώνει πλέον ρατσιστής. Ο ρατσισμός όμως συνεχίζει να βρίσκει τον στόχο του”. Ο ρατσισμός επιβάλει την εξάλειψη κάθε ιδιαιτερότητας, κανονικοποιεί τις συμπεριφορές, καταστρέφει πολιτισμούς και κλείνει διεξόδους διαφυγής, στρατιωτικοποιεί την φιλοξενία, απορροφά την ανθρώπινη δύναμη σύμφωνα με τους νόμους της εργασίας και του εμπορεύματος, εξαφανίζει κάθε πιθανή εναλλακτική μορφή διαχείρισης των πραγμάτων. Και εκεί είναι που τελικά αποκαλύπτεται ο τρόπος με τον οποίο η νέα ξενοφοβία αποτελεί το βασικό μηχανισμό με τον οποίο ο καπιταλισμός διαχειρίζεται, αφομοιώνει και εξαλείφει κάθε άλλο, ξένο ή ανταγωνιστικό προς αυτόν, πιθανό μέλλον της ανθρωπότητας.

Ο καπιταλισμός απαιτεί ανεμπόδιστη και απεριόριστη παγκόσμια κίνηση του κεφαλαίου. Την ίδια στιγμή απαιτεί ρύθμιση, έλεγχο και περιορισμό της εργασίας και κάθε πιθανής ανθρώπινης δραστηριότητας. Αυτό για να επιβληθεί απαιτεί την λειτουργία ενός αστυνομικού κράτους. Έτσι, εν αντιθέσει με την κυρίαρχη πεποίθηση, ότι το εμπόριο διαλύει τα σύνορα, τα καπιταλιστικά έθνη-κράτη απαιτούν και εντατικοποιούν διαρκώς την κατασκευή, διατήρηση και ένοπλη προστασία απροσπέλαστων συνόρων. Δεν θα υπήρχε άλλωστε άλλος τρόπος να διαφυλαχθεί η ελευθερία κίνησης κεφαλαίων και εμπορευμάτων από τις ορδές των αποκλεισμένων και εξαθλιωμένων που παράγονται καθημερινά σε όλο τον κόσμο καθώς η εκμετάλλευση και η ανισότητα εντατικοποιείται αποφέροντας τεράστια κέρδη στα χέρια των κυρίαρχων του «ανεπτυγμένου» κόσμου.
Οι απαραίτητοι νομοθετικοί κανονισμοί, οι διακρατικές συμφωνίες και οι συνοριακοί έλεγχοι μπορεί να εκδηλώνονται και να εφαρμόζονται με νέους τρόπους αυτό δεν σημαίνει όμως πως είναι λιγότερο ξενοφοβικοί.

Η διατήρηση του πλούτου και των προνομίων που συσσωρεύονται από την εκμεταλλευτική οργάνωση της εργασίας και της καθημερινής δραστηριότητας στις χώρες της Δύσης απαιτεί την διαρκώς αυξανόμενη κερδοφορία από την λειτουργία του καπιταλισμού χωρίς αυτή να μπορεί να ανεχθεί το βάρος της μετανάστευσης και των προσφυγικών ροών που δημιουργούνται από την εντατική παρέμβαση και την απρόσκοπτη καταλήστευση κοινωνιών που βρίσκονται εκτός των τειχών του Δυτικού κόσμου . Έτσι η νέα ξενοφοβία είναι υπό κάποιο τρόπο παρανοϊκή, παγιδευμένη σε έναν αδιόρατο και ανέκφραστο διαρκή φόβο, πίσω από τον οποίο κρύβεται η νόρμα της καπιταλιστικής εξουσίας και της εκμετάλλευσης.

Το Ισλάμ από την άλλη παράγει ένα πολύ παραδειγματικό πρόβλημα για την νέα ξενοφοβία. Η μετανάστευση μπορεί να «λειτουργήσει» αλλά μόνο αν αυτό γίνει με έναν αφηρημένο και αδιόρατο τρόπο. Δεν πρέπει να υπάρχουν ξένοι ανάμεσα μας. Η νέα ξενοφοβία απαιτεί την διαγραφή κάθε ξενικού στοιχείου από τον «ξένο». Το Ισλάμ με τα ορατά πολιτιστικά χαρακτηριστικά του αρνείται την εξάλειψη της δικιάς του διαφορετικότητας. Δεν αποκρύπτει τις ιδιαιτερότητες του και αντιστέκεται στους αφηρημένους μηχανισμούς παραγωγής ταυτότητας που ο καπιταλιστικός κόσμος θέλει να επιβάλλει στο σύνολο της ανθρωπότητας.
Το να απαγορεύσουμε στην Ευρώπη την μαντήλα στο κεφάλι από τις Μουσουλμάνες έχει λιγότερο να κάνει με την γυναικεία απελευθέρωση και περισσότερο με την δικιά μας ανάγκη να κάνουμε τους μετανάστες αόρατους, με την ανάγκη του καπιταλισμού να απορροφήσει τις μεταναστευτικές ροές στην αφηρημένη και εξομοιωτική λογική του κεφαλαίου. Ποια δυτική μαθήτρια θα επέλεγε να καθίσει δίπλα σε μια κοπέλα που φορά μπούργκα στο πανεπιστήμιο, ποιό διευθυντικό στέλεχος θα προσλάβει μια πωλήτρια με μαντήλα στο μαγαζί της πολυεθνικής εταιρίας; Με αυτό τον τρόπο το Ισλάμ αποτελεί απειλή στην ομογενοποιητική λογική του καπιταλισμού και για αυτό στοχοποιείται.

Στην Μέση Ανατολή και συνολικά στον Μουσουλμανικό κόσμο, τα καθεστώτα είναι παγιδευμένα σε μια πολύ εμφανή αντίφαση. Από την μια μεριά συνεργάζονται με τον παγκοσμιοποιημένο καπιταλισμό, από την άλλη ισχυρίζονται πως προβάλλουν μια συμβολική εναλλακτική οδό εξόδου από αυτόν. Η Σαουδική Αραβία αποτέλεσε και συνεχίζει να αποτελεί βασικό μοχλό επιβολής της Αμερικανικής πολιτικής στον Αραβικό κόσμο αλλά συνεχίζει να επιμένει σε ένα έντονα διαφορετικό πολιτικό και θρησκευτικό καθεστώς. Με τον τρόπο που δομείται η εξουσία σήμερα είναι φυσικό να καταλήγουμε σε έναν πόλεμο ανάμεσα σε φανατικούς Ισλαμιστές που λειτουργούν στα πλαίσια της καπιταλιστικής οικονομίας και καπιταλιστές που συνεργάζονται με φανατικούς μουσουλμάνους για να επιβάλλουν τα συμφέροντα τους στις Ισλαμικές περιοχές.

Την ίδια στιγμή, όπως «εκτός» έτσι και «εντός» των συνόρων, σκοπός ύπαρξης της αστυνομίας και του στρατού είναι η προστασία των κυρίαρχων από κάθε πιθανή ανάδειξη ενός άλλου τρόπου δόμησης και οργάνωσης της οικονομίας και της κοινωνικής ζωής. Η καταστολή των διαδηλώσεων και των κατειλημμένων και αυτοδιαχειριζόμενων κοινωνικών κέντρων, των χώρων δηλαδή όπου οργανώνεται και πραγματώνεται η αντίθεση στην κυρίαρχη κουλτούρα του εμπορεύματος και της εκμετάλλευσης, είναι φυσικό να βρίσκονται στο κέντρο της στόχευσης της αστυνομικής βίας, όποιο και αν είναι το ιδεολογικό πρόσημο που επιλέγει να χρησιμοποιήσει κάθε φορά το κόμμα που κυβερνά την κάθε χώρα.

Ο αποκλεισμός των μεταναστών, των φτωχών, των αναπήρων και των ηλικιωμένων από τους δημόσιους χώρους, οι κατασκευασμένες καταδίκες αναρχικών, ο καθημερινός εγκλεισμός όλων μας σε εξοντωτικά ωράρια, τα τερατώδη ποσοστά ανεργίας ανάμεσα στους νέους, ο καθημερινός ρατσισμός που αντιμετωπίζουν οι ομοφυλόφιλοι, τα διεμφυλικά άτομα, οι ναρκομανείς, οι πάνκηδες και τα φρικιά, οι Ρομά, οι Αφρικανοί και οι Κινέζοι, οι Μουσουλμάνοι, οι Ινδουιστές, οι Βουδιστές, οι Σίχ και όποιοι άλλοι αλλόθρησκοι ζουν ανάμεσα μας, αποκαλύπτει ξεκάθαρα πως αυτός που στοχοποιήται ως βασικός εχθρός και απόκληρος του παρόντος συστήματος είναι αυτός που δεν μπορεί ή δεν θέλει να εξομοιωθεί και να αφομοιωθεί στις λειτουργίες και τις νόρμες αυτού του συστήματος.

Ο αγώνας ενάντια στον φασισμό, τον ρατσισμό και την ξενοφοβία, ο σεβασμός της διαφορετικότητας, η ανενδοίαστη έμπρακτη αλληλεγγύη και η ανοιχτόκαρδη ευφυής περιέργεια προς αυτό που μοιάζει αλλά δεν είναι ξένο είναι και πρέπει να είναι η στάση κάθε ανθρώπου που επιλέγει να στέκεται απέναντι σε όλα τα απολυταρχικά και εκμεταλλευτικά οικονομικά, πολιτικά και θρησκευτικά συστήματα της εποχής μας. Χωρίς να αγιοποιούμε την μορφή του μετανάστη ή να του προσδίδουμε αυτόβουλα επαναστατικές προοπτικές που δεν επιλέγει ο ίδιος να προσλάβει, στεκόμαστε δίπλα στον ανθρώπινο πόνο, την εξαναγκαστική προσφυγιά, την οικονομική μετανάστευση, την καταναγκαστική ανέχεια και την ανάγκη των ανθρώπων να βαδίσουν αυτό τον κόσμο ελεύθεροι, χωρίς περιορισμούς και συνοριακές περιφράξεις στην αιώνια αναζήτηση του ανθρώπου για ένα αξιοπρεπές και ευτυχισμένο παρόν και μέλλον.

Όταν επιτρέπουμε σε ένα καθεστώς να δημιουργεί στρατόπεδα συγκέντρωσης για τους μετανάστες να είμαστε σίγουροι πως αυτή η ίδια απάνθρωπη δομή βιο-εξουσίας απλώνεται σε όλη την επικράτεια της χώρας, διαπερνά όλες τις σχέσεις, τις επιλογές και τις καθημερινές δραστηριότητες όλων μας. Δεν πρόκειται ποτέ να απελευθερωθούμε από τα δεσμά που επέβαλαν στις κοινωνίες μας τα καπιταλιστικά καθεστώτα της Ευρώπης και της Αμερικής αν δεν αγωνιστούμε και για την ελευθερία των προσφύγων και των μεταναστών. Αν γίνει κατανοητό πως η φυλακή που επιβλήθηκε στους πρόσφυγες είναι ίδια με την καθημερινή φυλακή που επιβλήθηκε σε όλους μας, τότε θα καταλάβουμε ότι η ελευθερία τους είναι και δικιά μας ελευθερία.

Οι θάλασσες και τα ποτάμια, τα βουνά και οι ουρανοί αυτού του κόσμου δεν έχουν σύνορα. Η ανθρώπινη αγάπη, τα όνειρα της ζωής και ο πόθος για βελτίωση των όρων και των συνθηκών καθημερινής διαβίωσης δεν κλείνονται σε κατασκευασμένα και επιβεβλημένα όρια. Όλα όσα ονειρευτήκαμε για αυτό τον κόσμο έγιναν παράνομα καθώς η κυριαρχία απλώνεται σε κάθε μικρο-στιγμή της ζωής, νομοθετεί παγίδες, περιφράξεις και περιορισμούς, κλείνει και περιχαρακώνει την ζωή σε έναν μηχανισμό επιβολής και καθημερινής εντατικής εκμετάλλευσης. Στόχος όλων μας θα έπρεπε και πρέπει να είναι η καταστροφή αυτού του καθεστώτος, η απελευθέρωση της ανθρώπινης δύναμης να αγαπά, να φροντίζει και να περιθάλπει, να παράγει δηλαδή ελευθερία, ευτυχία και πλούτο για όλους εξίσου σε όλο τον κόσμο, χωρίς ειδικά προνόμια και περιορισμούς.

Τασος Σαγρής

ΚΕΝΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ (Θεωρία, Ουτοπία, Συναίσθηση, Εφήμερες Τέχνες)

Ο Τάσος Σαγρής είναι θεατρικός σκηνοθέτης και ποιητής, μέλος της συλλογικότητας Κενό Δίκτυο http://voidnework.blogspot.com και του Ινστιτούτου Πειραματικών Τεχνών http://www.theinstitute.info

The post «ΞΕΝΟΦΟΒΙΑ, ο φόβος για κάθε τι που δεν είναι ίδιο με εσένα» του Τάσου Σαγρή // “XENOPHOBIA, the fear for anything is not same with you!” by Tasos Sagris appeared first on Void Network.

REFUGEES WELCOME! DUB UNITY Reggae Dub | Hip Hop | Drum n Bass SAT. 13/2/2016 OCCUPIED THEATRE EMBROS athens

voidweb — Mon, 01 Feb 2016 21:29:00 +0000

Occupied Accomodation Area for Refugees and Immigrants (Notara 26-Exarchia)

People’s Solidarity Initiatives

REFUGEES WELCOME!
No One is Illegal
DUB UNITY
Reggae Dub | Hip Hop | Drum n Bass

SAT. 13/2/2016

Eλεύθερο Αυτοδιαχειριζόμενο
Θέατρο ΕΜΠΡΟΣ
OCCUPIED THEATRE EMBROS
(R.Palamidi 2 / Psiris area / athens)

starts at 23.00

dj booker (hip hop)
golden child (hip hop)
natural reaction ft junior x (dub roots)
dub riots ft . bluez < live > (dub roots -steppers)
insp – i – ration soundsystem (dub)
basik 1 (drum n bass)
sick booze (freestyle)
dj liahn (dub reggae)
selector sriddem (dub reggae)
marios ntavelis vs war (drum n bass)
mike (reggae)
selector piranhas (reggae)
camabooka (freestyle)
rollin breddaz (reggae roots)
lucien dubazz (dub reggae)
donnie dub (reggae dub)
mrs hcn (reggae)
selector nesta (reggae dub)

on the mic: mc bredda ahmet ali

ARTISTS exact timetable will be announced soon

To σύνολο των εσόδων θα διατεθεί για την οικονομική στήριξη της Κατάληψης Στέγης Προσφύγων / Μεταναστών (Νοταρά 26- Εξάρχεια) και της Λεσβιακής Πρωτοβουλίας Αλληλεγγύης σε Mετανάστες και Mετανάστριες που δραστηριοποιείται από τον Οκτώβρη στη Μυτιλήνη.

The whole amount of the event income will be donated for the support of Occupied Accomodation Area for Refugees and Immigrants (Notara 26-Exarchia) and the Lesbian Initiative for Immigrants that is active in the island Lesbos (Mytilini) from October 2015 until today

organized by Void Network
KENO ΔΙΚΤΥΟ
[Θεωρία, Ουτοπία, Συναίσθηση, Εφήμερες Τέχνες]
http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com

Αγωνιζόμαστε για έναν κόσμο που θα χωράει μέσα του όλους τους κόσμους! Όλοι εμείς, μουσικοί της υπόγειας σκηνής, καλλιτέχνες του δρόμου και παιδιά μιας πόλης που στέκεται ξένη και εχθρική προς κάθε τι διαφορετικό, καινούργιο και άγνωστο, ενώνουμε τις δυνάμεις μας για να υπερασπιστούμε την Ελευθερία, την Αξιοπρέπεια και την Αλληλεγγύη με όλους τους τρόπους που γνωρίζουμε: Την μουσική, τον χορό, την Αγάπη και το Σεβασμό προς όλους τους ανθρώπους αυτής της Γης χωρίς διαχωρισμούς χρώματος, καταγωγής, έθνους, φυλής ή φύλου. Ενώνουμε τις δυνάμεις μας για να φέρουμε κοντά όσους θέλουν να αγωνιστούν για έναν κόσμο χωρίς σύνορα και στρατόπεδα συγκέντρωσης, χωρίς ρατσισμό, χωρίς φασισμό, χωρίς καταναγκασμούς και σχέσεις κυριαρχίας.
Να σπάσουμε όλα τα σύνορα!

We are fighting for a world that will include all different worlds! All of us musicians of the underground scene, street performers and children of a city standing foreign and hostile to anything different, new or unknown, we are joining forces to defend Freedom, Dignity and Solidarity with all the ways we know :
The music, the dance, Love and Respect for all people of this Earth without separations on color, descent , ethnicity, race or gender. We are Joining forces to bring together those who want to fight for a world without borders and concentration camps, without racism, without fascism, without coercion and domination relations.
SMASH ALL BORDERS!

The post REFUGEES WELCOME! DUB UNITY Reggae Dub | Hip Hop | Drum n Bass SAT. 13/2/2016 OCCUPIED THEATRE EMBROS athens appeared first on Void Network.

UNDERGROUND RESISTANCE Psychedelic Trance Experience FR. 22/1/2016 NOMIKH Athens Law School benefit event for the collective kitchen of Free Social Space Nosotros

voidweb — Fri, 22 Jan 2016 11:35:00 +0000

UNDERGROUND RESISTANCE
PSYCHEDELIC TRANCE EXPERIENCE

FRIDAY 22 JAN. 2016 | starts 23.00 |
NOMIKH Σχολή Αθηνών – Ακαδημίας 45
Athens Law School – Akademias str. 45

23.00-01.00 WAR (Void Network)
01.00-02.30 JUNIOR X (Void Network)
02.30-03.30 CRYSTAL ZERO (Void Network)
03.30-05.00 IRAKLIS MINDPHASER (Natural High)
05.00-06.00 UNDERVERSE (Natural High)
06.00-07.00 ROLLING DICE (Natural High)

To σύνολο των εσόδων θα διατεθεί για την οικονομική στήριξη της συλλογικής κουζίνας ΕΑΤ ΤΗΕ RICH!, του Ελεύθερου Κοινωνικού Χώρου Νοsotros που καλύπτει καθημερινά
τις ανάγκες χώρων στέγασης και αλληλεγγύης προσφύγων.

The full amount of income from the event will be donated as an economic support for the collective kitchen EAT THE RICH! from the Free Social Space NOSOTROS-Exarchia that in a daily basis supports the needs of movement’s areas and projects of accomodation and solidarity to the refugees

διοργάνωση / organised by:
συλλογική κουζίνα / collective kitchen EAT THE RICH!
https://www.facebook.com/NosotrosSocialCentre/?fref=ts

με την υποστήριξη / supported by:
ΚΕΝΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ / VOID NETWORK
http://voidnetwork.blogspot.com/
NATURAL HIGH
https://www.facebook.com/naturalhighfamily?sk=wall

The post UNDERGROUND RESISTANCE Psychedelic Trance Experience FR. 22/1/2016 NOMIKH Athens Law School benefit event for the collective kitchen of Free Social Space Nosotros appeared first on Void Network.

Reggae Dub Unity Session / Solidarity Night FRIDAY 23 MAY 2014 at OCCUPIED THEATRE EMBROS

voidweb — Tue, 13 May 2014 10:27:00 +0000

Reggae Dub Unity Session: Όλοι εμείς, μουσικοί της reggae dub σκηνής, καλλιτέχνες του δρόμου και παιδιά μιας πόλης που στέκεται ξένη και εχθρική προς κάθε τι διαφορετικό, καινούργιο και άγνωστο, ενώνουμε τις δυνάμεις μας για να υπερασπιστούμε την Ελευθερία, την Αξιοπρέπεια και την Αλληλεγγύη με όλους τους τρόπους που γνωρίζουμε: Την μουσική, τον χορό, την Αγάπη και το Σεβασμό προς όλους τους ανθρώπους αυτής της Γης χωρις διαχωρισμούς χρώματος, καταγωγής, έθνους, φυλής ή φύλου. Ενώνουμε τις δυνάμεις μας για να φέρουμε κοντά όσους θέλουν να αγωνιστούν για έναν κόσμο χωρίς ρατσισμό, χωρίς φασισμό, χωρίς καταναγκασμούς και σχέσεις κυριαρχίας. Αγωνιζόμαστε για έναν κόσμο που θα χωράει μέσα του όλους τους κόσμους!
All of us musicians of reggae dub scene, street performers and children of a city standing foreign and hostile to anything different, new and unknown, we are joining forces to defend Freedom, Dignity and Solidarity with all the ways we know : The music, the dance, love and respect for all people of this Earth without separations on color, descent , ethnicity, race or gender. We are Joining forces to bring together those who want to fight for a world without racism, without fascism, without coercion and domination relations. We are fighting for a world that will include of all different worlds !
Reggae Dub Unity Session
OCCUPIED THEATRE EMBROS
RIGA PALAMIDA 2 PSIRIS ATHENS GREECE
FR. 23 MAY 2014
starts 23.00

Line Up And Timetable.
At The Controls.
11:30 – 12:00
Mrs.HCN // Selector Nesta

12:00 – 12:30
Selecta Fred // Sriddem

12:30 – 01:00
Mat Shunyo // Collie Youth

01:00 – 01:30
Rankin Johnny // Radical Gee

01:30 – 02:00
Ghetto Rock

02:00 – 02:30
Dj Lo – Fi // Donnie Dub

02:30 – 03:00
Irie Action Sound System

03:00 – 03:30
Junior X // Raggaprincess

03:30 – 04:00
Sotokkan // Crystal Zero

04:00 – 04:30
Insp – I – ration

04:30 – 05:00
4DUBVIBES

05:00 – 05:30
URBAN DANJA

M.c.’s All Over The Night:

Sista Jammaroots

Stefanatty

Bredda Ahmed Ali

VISUAL ART by
VOID OPTICAL ART LABORATORY

Supported By:

Sub & Dub.
THC Soundsystem.
Irie Action Sound System.
Urban Danja – Reggaewise.
RedSea ReggaeHouse.
Void Network Κενό Δικτύο
Sunseeds Ηλιόσποροι
Ελεύθερο Αυτοδιαχειριζόμενο
Θέατρο Εμπρός.

Πού είναι οι Αφρικανοί αδερφοί μας; Τους γνωρίσαμε σε συναυλίες, κλαμπ στην καθημερινή κυκλοφορία μας στους δρόμους και τις πλατείες της Αθήνας όπου διασταυρώθηκαν οι ματιές μας, οι διαδρομές μας, και οι χοροί μας. Για όσες και όσους έχουμε συνυπάρξει με τους Αφρικανούς αδερφούς μας στο χώρο της ρέγγε μουσικής σκηνής τα προηγούμενα χρόνια, η απουσία τους σήμερα είναι πολύ αισθητή. Πριν από τους ολυμπιακούς του 2004, τα διεθνή μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης όπως το CNN έδιναν το μήνυμα, με τον ένα ή τον άλλο τρόπο, ότι η Ελλάδα χρειάζεται εργατικά χέρια. ΟΙ ξένοι εργάτες στην ουσία προσκαλούνταν να έρθουν στη χώρα. Τότε ήρθαν πολλοί άνθρωποι από χώρες της Αφρικής. Όπως ο φίλος μας Ε.Ν., δούλεψαν ως χειρώνακτες στην αγροτική παραγωγή, στην οικοδομή, στα ολυμπιακά έργα για εργοδότες που στη συντριπτική τους πλειοψηφία είχαν να «προσφέρουν» μόνο ανασφάλιστη εργασία σε αυτούς που κατά τα άλλα ήξεραν να εκμεταλλεύονται με μεγάλη αποδοτικότητα και κέρδος.

Where are our African brothers? We met them at the concerts, the clubs, in the daily traffic at the streets and squares of Athens, our eyes crossed with their eyes, our paths and our dances met. For all of us who have coexisted with African brothers in the space of reggae music scene in previous years, their absence is keenly felt today. Before the 2004 Olympics, the international media like CNN gave the message, in one way or another, that Greece needed manpower . Foreign workers are essentially invited to come to the country. During that years many people came in Greece from African countries. As our friend Merchant Marine, most of them they worked in agriculture, in constructions, in Olympic Games projects for employers that in their vast majority had to “offer ” to them back only uninsured and law-paid work in fast and furious exploitative working conditions organized to operate with high efficiency for huge profits for the investors.

Για την Ελλάδα εκείνης της περιόδου αυτά τα κορμιά ήταν διπλά χρήσιμα: όχι μόνο ως εργατική δύναμη αλλά και ως εικόνα στο δημόσιο χώρο της πόλης. Η παρουσία τους στους δρόμους της Αθήνας εξασφάλιζε στο καθεστώς μια πολυπόθητη επίφαση οπτικής «πολυπολιτισμικότητας», απαραίτητο συστατικό μιας υποτιθέμενα «ευρωπαϊκής» πρωτεύουσας που θα φιλοξενούσε ένα παγκόσμιας εμβέλειας αθλητικό-εμπορικό γεγονός. Σήμερα οι «τυχεροί» έχουν καταφέρει να φύγουν από την Ελλάδα. Από αυτούς που δε τα κατάφεραν οι περισσότεροι ή φοβούνται να βγουν από το σπίτι τους ή βρίσκονται σε κρατητήρια και φυλακές, όπως ο φίλος μας Ε.Ν.. Είναι τόσο ασφυκτικοί οι αστυνομικοί έλεγχοι στους δρόμους, και τόσο εδραιωμένη η αστυνομική βία και αυθαιρεσία, που κυκλοφορούν μόνο για τα απολύτως απαραίτητα και κατά τα άλλα κλείνονται στα σπίτια τους. Σα να μην έφτανε αυτό, είναι και οι επιθέσεις των μη ένστολων νεοναζί που περιλαμβάνουν και ληστείες εκτός από δολοφονικές απόπειρες. Όσο για τους φυλακισμένους, οι περισσότεροι από αυτούς είτε κρατούνται επί μήνες για έλλειψη νομιμοποιητικών εγγράφων χωρίς ωστόσο να έχουν δικαστεί είτε έχουν δικαστεί και εκτίουν παράλογες ποινές για μικροπαραβάσεις του νόμου.

For Greece of that times these bodies were doubly useful : not only as labor power but also as an image in the public space of the city. Their presence on the streets of Athens secured for the local regime an optical illusion of “multiculturalism”, an essential component of a supposed ‘European’ capital city that will host a global sporting – commercial event . Today the lucky ones from the African workers of those days have managed to leave Greece. For all those who did not have done it to leave the country the present times are horrible as most of them are afraid even to get out of their homes or they are locked in detention centers and prisons, as our friend E.N. The police checks on the roads are so intense, and police violence and arbitrary is so entrenched that most of the immigrants are walking on the streets only for the bare essentials and otherwise they stay closed to their homes. As if that was not enough they have to face also the attacks of the non-uniformed Nazis including robberies and assassinations. As about the prisoners, most of them are either kept for months and months for lack of legal documents with or without trial and they are serving very big sentences for minor offenses of the law.

Ο ερχομός και η πορεία του Ε.Ν. στην Ελλάδα αποτελούν χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα των εμπειριών πολλών Αφρικανών μεταναστών. Εμείς τον γνωρίσαμε ως dj στη reggae μουσική σκηνή, δουλειά που τα τελευταία χρόνια έχει γίνει το μόνιμο μέσο βιοπορισμού του.8 χρόνια φυλάκιση για 4 γρ. κάνναβη. Όπως και τόσοι άλλοι μετανάστες Ε.Ν. δέχτηκε μια πολύ βαριά ποινή από το δικαστήριο. Ποιος Έλληνας θα κατηγορούνταν για εμπορία ναρκωτικών κατ’ εξακολούθηση, με μόνη απόδειξη την κατοχή 4 γρ. κάνναβης? Το Νοέμβρη του 2013 και σε μια δίκη-παρωδία, όπου η εξέταση του Ε.Ν. και της συντρόφου του κράτησε μετά βίας 15 λεπτά, όπου δεν υπήρχαν άλλοι μάρτυρες υπεράσπισης, όπου μόνος μάρτυρας κατηγορίας ήταν ένας αστυνομικός και όπου η έδρα δεν ενδιαφερόταν για τις πραγματικές συνθήκες της σύλληψης του Ε.Ν. το 2006, ο φίλος μας καταδικάστηκε ως έμπορος κατ’ εξακουλούθηση, με ποινή οκτώ χρόνια φυλάκισης και απέλαση από τη χώρα. Το σύστημα επέλεξε να δείξει στον Ε.Ν. το πιο σκληρό του πρόσωπο, επειδή ο φίλος μας είναι ξένος και μάλιστα Αφρικανός. Όχι μόνο δε του αναγνώρισε τουλαχιστον ως ελαφρυντικό την ύπαρξη των 2 παιδιών του στη χώρα, αλλά ακριβώς φροντίζει να του κόψει απότομα οποιουσδήποτε δεσμούς και να του διαλύσει την όποια κοινωνική ένταξη που κατά τα άλλα τόσο αυτοί επαγγέλλονται.

The arrival and experiences of African immigrant E.N. in Greece exemplifies the experiences of many African immigrants in our country. We know him as a dj in reggae music scene, a work that in recent years has offered him the permanent means of livelihood. He faces 8 years imprisonment for 4gr. of cannabis. Like so many other immigrants, E.N. suffered a very severe punishment by the court. It would never be possible for a Greek citizen to be accused as a drug dealer with only evidence the possession of 4gr. of hemp! In November 2013 when took place the parody trial of E.N., in a 15 minutes examination, where there were no other witnesses than a police officer and the judge was not interested in the actual circumstances of the arrest of E.N. in 2006, our friend was sentenced as a serial drug dealer and he punished him in eight years imprisonment and deportation from the country. The system chose to show to E.N. the hardest face, because our friend is a stranger and much worst he is an African. Not only they didn’t recognized to him the existence of his two little children in the country, but just for the same reasons the system makes all efforts to cut off any ties and dispel any integration and all social relations of him in our country.

Αυτή τη στιγμή η σύντροφος του Ε.Ν. έχει απομείνει να φροντίζει μόνη τα δυο μικρά παιδιά τους και να στηρίζει το σπιτικό τους με μόνο εισόδημα το δικό της μεροκάματο. Εκτός αυτού, την οικογένεια χωρίζουν 200 και πλέον χλμ. και τη βαρύνουν τα έξοδα της υπεραστικής μετακίνησης για επισκέψεις στη φυλακή και τα δικαστικά έξοδα τόσο για την προηγούμενη δίκη αλλά και για τις επόμενες νομικές κινήσεις (αίτηση αναστολής της ποινής και εφετείο).Ο Ε.Ν. τιμωρείται αυθαίρετα και αδυσώπητα από μια Δικαιοσύνη που ξέρει να κλείνει τα μάτια σε ένα μαζικό φαινόμενο αστυνομικής και παρακρατικής βίας εις βάρος των μεταναστών. Αντίθετα, όταν μετανάστες βρίσκονται αντιμέτωποι με τη Δικαιοσύνη εισπράττουν βαρύτατες ποινές. Και μάλιστα όταν την ίδια περίοδο αστυνομικοί αθωώνονται λόγω αμφιβολιών ακόμα και όταν υπάρχουν πολλοί αυτόπτες μάρτυρες κατηγορίας. Οι εκδικητικές ποινές που σπέρνει απλόχερα το σύστημα αποσκοπούν στην ηθική και οικονομική εξόντωση των κατηγορουμένων και των οικογενειών τους. Αυτό δεν είναι τυχαίο.

Right now the wife of E.N. is left alone to care for their two young children and support their home with her small wages. Besides that, the family is split from the 200 km distance between their house and the prison. They have to pay the costs of long-distance travel for visits to jail and costs for both the previous trial and all the subsequent legal moves (application for suspension of sentence and appeal ). E.N. is punished relentlessly by a Justice who knows very well to turn a blind eye to the mass phenomenon of police and paramilitary brutality against immigrants. In other hand, when immigrants are faced with Justice receive heavy sentences. And in the same period police officers sentenced innocent because of doubt even when there are many eye witnesses accusing me for illegal action. The vindictive penalties that the system offers generously are designed to destroy the moral and economic condition of the defendants and their families . This didn’t happened by accident.

Την ίδια στιγμή μια ρατσιστική και φανατικά μισάνθρωπη ακροδεξιά που έχει με το μέρος της κομμάτια εξουσίας όπως τα ένοπλα σώματα και το δικαστικό σύστημα, βγάζει εκεί και μάλιστα ανεξέλεγκτα όλο της μένος για να αντισταθμίσει το μη έλεγχό της σε άλλες σφαίρες εξουσίας. Τελικά αυτό που καταλαβαίνουμε είναι ότι κάθε φορά αυτό που πραγματικά δικάζεται δεν είναι οι όποιες πράξεις σου, αλλά η οικονομική και κοινωνική σου υπόσταση. Αν δεν έχεις πολλά λεφτά να πληρώσεις σε δικηγόρους, όσο λιγότερα έχεις και όσο πιο μακριά βρίσκεσαι από το σύστημα εξουσίας, τόσο πιο περιθωριακός και αναλώσιμος θεωρείσαι. Ξέρουμε ότι μέσα σε αυτό το άδικο σύστημα μόνο οι σχέσεις αγάπης και αλληλεγγύης με φίλους και οικογένεια είναι πιο δυνατές από τον απάνθρωπο νόμο, το διεφθαρμένο δικαστικό σύστημα και την αστυνομία. Εμείς λοιπόν λέμε και θα συνεχίσουμε να το λέμε: ο Ε.Ν. είναι αγαπητό μέλος της μουσικής κοινότητας της Αθήνας, γνωστός και σεβαστός ως επαγγελματίας και ως άνθρωπος. Γι αυτό το λόγο θα κάνουμε ότι μπορούμε για να τον δούμε σύντομα και πάλι κοντά μας αλλά πρωτίστως κοντά στην οικογένειά του. Μέρος αυτής της προσπάθειας είναι η συνεισφορά στην κάλυψη των δικαστικών του εξόδων.

At the same time a racist and misanthropic right-wing fanatic government has in its hands the power of the police, the armed forces, the judicial system, expresses uncontrolled hate to establish social obedience. Ultimately what we understand is that in every trial the thing that is really under judging is your social and economic status and not any of your actions. If you do not have much money to pay for lawyers, the less you have and the more you are away from the power system, the more marginal and expendable you are for the existing poltical system. We know that in this unjust system love and solidarity relationships, comradeship, friendship and family are stronger than the inhuman law, the corrupted judicial system and the police. We therefore say and will continue to say: our friend E.N. is an esteemed member of the musical community of Athens, well known and respected as a professional artist and as a person. For this reason we will do everything we can to see him soon again with us and his family. Part of this effort is our decision to contribute at his trial costs.

Όλοι εμείς, μουσικοί της reggae dub σκηνής, καλλιτέχνες του δρόμου και παιδιά μιας πόλης που στέκεται ξένη και εχθρική προς κάθε τι διαφορετικό, καινούργιο και άγνωστο, ενώνουμε τις δυνάμεις μας για να υπερασπιστούμε την Ελευθερία, την Αξιοπρέπεια και την Αλληλεγγύη με όλους τους τρόπους που γνωρίζουμε: Την μουσική, τον χορό, την Αγάπη και το Σεβασμό προς όλους τους ανθρώπους αυτής της Γης χωρίς διαχωρισμούς χρώματος, καταγωγής, έθνους, φυλής ή φύλλου. Ενώνουμε τις δυνάμεις μας για να φέρουμε κοντά όσους θέλουν να αγωνιστούν για έναν κόσμο χωρίς ρατσισμό, χωρίς φασισμό, χωρίς καταναγκασμούς και σχέσεις κυριαρχίας. Αγωνιζόμαστε για έναν κόσμο που θα χωράει μέσα του όλους τους κόσμους!

All of us musicians of reggae dub scene, street performers and children of a city standing foreign and hostile to anything different, new and unknown, we are joining forces to defend Freedom, Dignity and Solidarity with all the ways we know : The music, the dance, love and respect for all people of this Earth without separations on color, descent , ethnicity, race or gender. We are Joining forces to bring together those who want to fight for a world without racism, without fascism, without coercion and domination relations. We are fighting for a world that will include of all different worlds !

The post Reggae Dub Unity Session / Solidarity Night FRIDAY 23 MAY 2014 at OCCUPIED THEATRE EMBROS appeared first on Void Network.

“ΛΑΜΠΕΝΤΟΥΖΑ, ΦΑΡΜΑΚΟΝΗΣΙ, ΑΘΗΝΑ Πολιτικές ελέγχου των μεταναστευτικών ροών, δικαιώματα, αλληλεγγύη” Hμερίδα στο ΕΜΠΡΟΣ Σαββ. 15. 2. 2014 “LAMBEDOUSA, FARMAKONISI, ATHENS: Control Politics of Immigration Flows, Human Rights and Solidarity” at Occupied Theatre EMBROS

voidweb — Fri, 14 Feb 2014 13:44:00 +0000

Void Network as part of the Open Public Assembly of Occupied Self-Organized Theatre Embros in Athens invites the friends and comrades of our group to participate at the all day event “LAMBEDOUSA, FARMAKONISI, ATHENS: Control Politics of Immigration Flows, Human Rights and Solidarity” in Saturday 15 February 2014 from 12 o clock in the morning until midnight

Το ΚΕΝΟ ΔΙΚΤΥΟ στα πλαίσια της σταθερής συμμετοχής του στην Ανοιχτή Συνέλευση του Αυτοδιαχειριζόμενου Θεάτρου Εμπρός καλεί τους φίλους του να συμμετάσχουν στην Ημερίδα “ΛΑΜΠΕΝΤΟΥΖΑ, ΦΑΡΜΑΚΟΝΙΣΗ, ΑΘΗΝΑ Πολιτικές Ελέγχου των Μεταναστευτικών Ροών, Δικαιώματα & Αλληλεγγύη” που διοργανώνεται από το Εμπρός το Σάββατο 15 Φεβρουαρίου 2014 από τις 12 το πρωί έως τα μεσάνυχτα

Με αφορμή τον πνιγμό 11 ανθρώπων, οκτώ παιδιών και τριών γυναικών στο Φαρμακονήσι, το Ελεύθερο Αυτοδιαχειριζόμενο Θέατρο ΕΜΠΡΟΣ (Ρήγα Παλαμήδη 2, Ψυρρή) διοργανώνει το Σάββατο, 15 Φεβρουαρίου 2014, από τις 12 το μεσημέρι ώς τα μεσάνυχτα, ημερίδα αφιερωμένη στο μεταναστευτικό ζήτημα στην Ευρώπη και την Ελλάδα.

Σκοπός της διοργάνωσης είναι να αναδείξει πολύπλευρα όχι μόνο τις πτυχές της πρόσφατης τραγωδίας στο Φαρμακονήσι, αλλά και να ευαισθητοποιήσει ένα ευρύτερο κοινό σχετικά με τα μεγάλα διακυβεύματα που θέτουν στον αιώνα μας οι μεταναστευτικές ροές και οι πολιτικές της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης και των εθνικών κρατών.

Η ημερίδα περιλαμβάνει εργαστήριο μεταξοτυπίας-παραγωγής αφισών, video-προβολές, καλλιτεχνικές δράσεις και περφόρμανς, εργαστήριο για τις Πρακτικές αυτοοργάνωσης των μεταναστών–προσφύγων και τα κινήματα αλληλεγγύης, καθώς και δύο κεντρικές συζητήσεις, η πρώτη επικεντρωμένη στις Πολιτικές ελέγχου των μεταναστευτικών ροών: το ελληνικό παράδειγμα, η δεύτερη με τίτλο Μετά τη Λαμπεντούζα: προς ένα νέο δόγμα επιτήρησης και ελέγχου των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων;.

Στις συζητήσεις και στα εργαστήρια συμμετέχουν με εισηγήσεις ή/και παρεμβάσεις, μεταξύ άλλων, οι:

Javied Aslam, Πρόεδρος Πακιστανικής Κοινότητας Ελλάδας «Η Ενότητα»

Ashraf Hasno, Γενικός Γραμματέας του Συλλόγου Αποδήμων Ελεύθερων Σύριων Ελλάδας

Nasim Lomani, Δίκτυο κοινωνικής υποστήριξης προσφύγων και μεταναστών

Lauretta Macauley και Ester Oku, Ένωση Αφρικανών Γυναικών

Kazim Rooish, Γενικός Γραμματέας της Κοινότητας των Αφγανών Μεταναστών & Προσφύγων στην Ελλάδα

Νίκος Γκιωνάκης, ψυχολόγος, επιστημονικός υπεύθυνος Κέντρου Ημέρας Βαβέλ

Θανάσης Κούρκουλας, Κίνηση “Απελάστε το Ρατσισμό”

Γιάννα Κούρτοβικ, Δίκτυο για τα Πολιτικά και Κοινωνικά Δικαιώματα

Βασίλης Παπαστεργίου, Ομάδα Δικηγόρων για τα Δικαιώματα Προσφύγων και Μεταναστών

Δημήτρης Παρσάνογλου, ερευνητής, κοινωνιολόγος της μετανάστευσης

Δήμητρα Σπαθαρίδου, συντονίστρια δράσεων και ακτιβισμού της Διεθνούς Αμνηστείας

Ελένη Τάκου, Δίκτυο Καταγραφής Περιστατικών Ρατσιστικής Βίας / μέλος Ελληνικής Ένωσης για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου (ΕΕΔΑ)

Γιώργος Τσαρμπόπουλος, επικεφαλής του Γραφείου της Ύπατης Αρμοστείας του ΟΗΕ για τους Πρόσφυγες

Αποστόλης Φωτιάδης, δημοσιογράφος

Συμμετέχουν και στηρίζουν την ημερίδα:
Αφγανική κοινότητα, Ελληνικό Φόρουμ Προσφύγων, Ένωση Αφρικανών Γυναικών, Πακιστανική Κοινότητα Ελλάδας , Σύλλογος Σύρων – Συριακή κοινότητα, Ανοιχτή Πρωτοβουλία Ενάντια στα Κέντρα Κράτησης, Δίκτυο Καταγραφής Περιστατικών Ρατσιστικής Βίας, Δίκτυο κοινωνικής υποστήριξης προσφύγων και μεταναστών, Κίνηση “Απελάστε το Ρατσισμό”, Κίνηση Ενωμένοι Ενάντια στο Ρατσισμό και στη Φασιστική Απειλή (ΚΕΕΡΦΑ), «Τα Πίσω θρανία» – Πρωτοβουλία για εκπαίδευση χωρίς διακρίσεις, Πρωτοβουλία ενάντια στα κέντρα κράτησης, Υ.R.Ε./Anti nazi zone

Κατά τη διάρκεια της διοργάνωσης θα συγκεντρωθούν χρήματα που θα κατατεθούν σε τραπεζικό λογαριασμό για ενίσχυση των επιζησάντων της τραγωδίας στο Φαρμακονήσι και για να καλυφθούν τα έξοδα μεταφοράς των νεκρών τους στον τόπο προέλευσής τους.

Οι συζητήσεις θα μεταδοθούν ζωντανά στο Διαδίκτυο (real streaming) από το ThePressProject (http://www.thepressproject.gr/)

Κείμενο πλαίσιο ημερίδας

ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ ΗΜΕΡΙΔΑΣ

12:00 – 5:00 μ.μ. (φουαγιέ)
Εργαστήρι μεταξοτυπίας-αφίσας

12:00 – 00:00 (φουαγιέ)
video-προβολές

4:30 – 7:00 (κεντρική σκηνή)
Εργαστήριο: Πρακτικές αυτοοργάνωσης μεταναστών-προσφύγων και κινήματα αλληλεγγύης

Συμμετέχουν, μεταξύ άλλων:
Ελληνικό Φόρουμ Προσφύγων
Nasim Lomani, Δίκτυο κοινωνικής υποστήριξης προσφύγων και μεταναστών Lauretta Macauley και Ester Oku, Ένωση Αφρικανών Γυναικών
Θανάσης Κούρκουλας, Κίνηση “Απελάστε το Ρατσισμό”
ΚΕΕΡΦΑ (Κίνηση Ενωμένοι ενάντια στον Ρατσισμό και τη Φασιστική Απειλή)

7:00 – 9:00 μ.μ. (κεντρική σκηνή)
Πολιτικές ελέγχου των μεταναστευτικών ροών: το ελληνικό παράδειγμα. Πολιτικές συνόρων, Έβρος, Λευκάδα, Αιγαίο, Φαρμακονήσι. Μηχανισμοί επιτήρησης και καταστολής, πρακτικές επαναπροώθησης, «Ξένιος Δίας», κέντρα κράτησης. Μύθοι και πραγματικότητες για το μεταναστευτικό «πρόβλημα». Ο ρόλος των ανθρωπιστικών οργανώσεων και οργανισμών.

Ashraf Hasno, Γενικός Γραμματέας του Συλλόγου Αποδήμων Ελεύθερων Σύριων Ελλάδας
Kazim Rooish, Γενικός Γραμματέας της Κοινότητας των Αφγανών Μεταναστών & Προσφύγων στην Ελλάδα
Νίκος Γκιωνάκης, ψυχολόγος, επιστημονικός υπεύθυνος Κέντρου Ημέρας Βαβέλ
Βασίλης Παπαστεργίου, Ομάδα Δικηγόρων για τα Δικαιώματα Προσφύγων και Μεταναστών
Δήμητρα Σπαθαρίδου, συντονίστρια δράσεων και ακτιβισμού της Διεθνούς Αμνηστείας
Ελένη Τάκου, Δίκτυο Καταγραφής Περιστατικών Ρατσιστικής Βίας / μέλος Ελληνικής Ένωσης για τα Δικαιώματα του Ανθρώπου (ΕΕΔΑ)

9:00 – 11:00 μ.μ. (κεντρική σκηνή)
Μετά τη Λαμπεντούζα: προς ένα νέο δόγμα επιτήρησης και ελέγχου των ευρωπαϊκών συνόρων; To παράδειγμα της Μεσογείου. Ευρωπαϊκές, κρατικές και διακρατικές στρατηγικές. O ρόλος της Frontex. “Ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα” για όλους;

Javied Aslam, Πρόεδρος Πακιστανικής Κοινότητας Ελλάδας «Η Ενότητα»
Γιάννα Κούρτοβικ, Δίκτυο για τα Πολιτικά και Κοινωνικά Δικαιώματα
Δημήτρης Παρσάνογλου, ερευνητής, κοινωνιολόγος της μετανάστευσης
Γιώργος Τσαρμπόπουλος, επικεφαλής του Γραφείου της Ύπατης Αρμοστείας του ΟΗΕ για τους Πρόσφυγες
Αποστόλης Φωτιάδης, δημοσιογράφος

Συμμετέχουν και στηρίζουν την ημερίδα:

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The post “ΛΑΜΠΕΝΤΟΥΖΑ, ΦΑΡΜΑΚΟΝΗΣΙ, ΑΘΗΝΑ Πολιτικές ελέγχου των μεταναστευτικών ροών, δικαιώματα, αλληλεγγύη” Hμερίδα στο ΕΜΠΡΟΣ Σαββ. 15. 2. 2014 “LAMBEDOUSA, FARMAKONISI, ATHENS: Control Politics of Immigration Flows, Human Rights and Solidarity” at Occupied Theatre EMBROS appeared first on Void Network.

Farmakonisi: Crime against humanity by the Greek State [english,spanish,greek,italian]

voidnetwork — Sun, 26 Jan 2014 09:12:00 +0000

PLEASE SPREAD IT WORLDWIDE !!!
(english,spanish,french .greek.italian)

~On the night of January 19 a boat with 28 refugees was caught by the Greek Coast Guard as it was trying to approach the shore of Farmakonisi, a Greek island. The Greek Coast Guard vessel instead of towing them ashore started to push them back towards the Turkish coast. As a result the boat was sunk and 12 of them – 9 children, 3 women – were drowned. This is a picture of one the survivors explaining how he lost his family. The Greek government has an official policy of “making Greece unhospitable” for refugees, These deaths are murders. Murders by the Greek government. Murders by the EU and its ‘Fortress Europe’ strategy. were drowned. This is a picture of one the survivors explaining how he lost his family. The Greek government has an official policy of “making Greece unhospitable” for refugees, These deaths are murders. Murders by the Greek government. Murders by the EU and its ‘Fortress Europe’ strategy.

~Marinos griegos de la guardia costera hicieron voltear apropósito un barco con inmigrantes de Afganistán y Siria y no salvaron las personas que estaban ahogando. 11 personas de los cuales muchos niños de 1 hasta 10 años de edad ahogaron. Solo después salvaron los demás. Difundan la noticia para que el mundo se entere de los criminales comportamientos de la marina griega, que están cumpliendo con los ordenes del gobierno fascista griego.
Dans la nuit du 19 janvier ,une barque avec des refugies venant d’Afganistan et de Syrie,fut decouverte par une patrouille maritime grecque pendant qu’elle essayait de se rapprocher de l’ile grecque de Agathonissi..La patrouille maritime grecque,au lieu de les amener sur terre grecque,a essaye (contre toute loi internationale) ,en attachant une corde reliant la barque au navire maritime,de les trainer vers les cotes turques..tout ceci en grande vitesse,et le resultat fut que la barque a commence a prendre l’eau et malgre les cris des immigres qu’il y avait des enfants a bord,12 personnes ont ete noyees ,9 enfants et 3 femmes..il y a le temoignage des rescapes qui parlent de meurtre volontaire car les gardes maritimes ont ,semble t-il,empeche les gens qui se noyaient,a monter a bord.
Ceci est une photo d’un des rescapes de cette tragedie.
Tragedie-meurtre qui a pour responsables ,le gouvernement fasciste grec ,mais aussi l’ Union européenne et sa politique de ”forteresse d’Europe.”
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Video with the refugees arriving at the port of Piraeus
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRnT0l2ZOrI#t=59
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This is not the only case, as regularly we hear news of boat-people “disappearing”, “accidentaly drowning” etc.
Please share this photo
P.S. There are 24 concentration camps in Greece where thousands of immigrants are jailed, without them being accused of anything, while the Greek Junta receives more than 200 million euro every year from Europe to cover their expenses and/or repatriation. “Nobody” knows where this money goes”
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GREECE /The Coast Guard “drowned” the migrants in Farmakonisi
http://www.x-pressed.org/…
The Coast Guard “drowned” the migrants in Farmakonisi
January 21, 2014
video with the survivors arriving to Piraeus
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QRnT0l2ZOrI#t=59
Eyewitnesses accuse the Greek Coast Guard of drowning migrants off the coast of the island of Farmakonisi.
As UNHCR reports: “According to survivors’ testimonies, the Coast Guard boat towing their vessel was heading, at high speed, towards the Turkish coast, when the tragic incident happened amid rough seas. The same witnesses said people were screaming for help, since there was a large number of children on the boat”.
International organisations have condemned, several times, the refoulement policy against migrants entering Greece without papers.
UNHCR has requested explanations in the past from the Greek authorities about the mysterious “disappearance” of dozens of migrants by the Greek police, under circumstances that caused an international outcry against the Greek government.
In other cases, residents of peripheral islands have denounced that migrants surrendering to the port authorities, in order to be transferred to reception centres, never arrive there.
The full announcement of the UNHCR:
“UNHCR expresses its concern for the continued loss of human lives at sea, on the occasion of the incident in Farmakonisi.
A fishing boat with 28 people onboard (25 Afghans and 3 Syrians), including many women and children, was overturned and sank in the early hours of Monday, Jan. 21, 2014, in the sea area of Farmakonisi. 16 of those on board were collected by the Coast Guard. A woman and a 5 year old child were found dead near the Turkish coast, while 10 more people (2 women and 8 infants and young children) are missing.
A UNHCR team went on Tuesday, Jan. 22, to the island of Leros, where the survivors had been transferred by the Coast Guard, and talked with them as well as the Port Authority.
According to information from the Port Authority, the boat had been detected by the Coast Guard at midnight, Sunday, January 20, immobilised and without navigation lights and, taking into account the situation and the bad weather conditions, a salvage operation was launched to tow it towards Farmakonisi. During the operation, a large number of those on board were gathered on one side of the boat, which resulted in its overturn and sinking.
However, according to survivors’ testimonies, the Coast Guard boat towing their vessel was heading, at high speed, towards the Turkish coast, when the tragic incident happened amid rough seas. The same witnesses said people were screaming for help, since there was a large number of children on the boat.
“UNHCR urges the authorities to investigate the circumstances under which the incident occurred, and how lives were lost in a boat under towing”, Laurens Jolles, Regional Representative of the High Commissioner for Southern Europe, said.
The UN Organisation for Refugees has made an appeal to European and other countries’ governments to work together in order to reduce casualties, when dangerous passages in the Mediterranean and other key maritime borders are followed.
The Organisation notes the need for further strengthening of the rescue operations at sea, and the creation of channels for legal migration so that dangerous, irregular movements are avoided.
Source: Infowar Translator: Eleni Nicolaou

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”Ο λιμενικός τη κλωτσούσε, την πέταξε μέσα στη θάλασσα και πέταξε και το μωρό από την άλλη πλευρά της βάρκας”
Ο Νασίμ Λομανί , μέλος του Δικτύου Κοινωνικής Υποστήριξης Προσφύγων και Μεταναστών μεταφέρει σοκαριστικές καταγγελίες για το λιμενικό απο τις μαρτυρίες των διασωθέντων προσφύγων.
Τα γεγονότα:
Η βάρκα των προσφύγων είχε σχεδόν φτάσει στις ελληνικές ακτές όταν τους εντόπισε το ελληνικό λιμενικό.
Οι λιμενικοί έδεσαν τη βάρκα πάνω στο σκάφος προκειμένου να τους επαναπροωθήσουν παράνομα πίσω στη Τουρκία.
Όπως προκύπτει τα σκάφος έτρεχε με τόσο μεγάλη ταχύτητα που έσπασε το σκοινί που κρατούσε τη βάρκα.
“Ο κόσμος σχεδόν σκορπιζόταν στη θάλασσα. Στο πρώτο χτύπημα τρύπησε η βάρκα των προσφύγων και γέμισε νερό και τότε άρχισαν να πέφτουν τα παιδιά στη θάλασσα” λέει ο Νασίμ Λομανί επικαλούμενος τις μαρτυρίες των διασωθέντων που έφτασαν στο Πειραιά.
«Τους απωθούσαν και δεν τους άφηναν να μπουν μέσα στη βάρκα του λιμενικό.
Μια γυναίκα είπε πως ενώ κρατούσε το πόδι ενός λιμενικού για να μπει μέσα στη βάρκα, αυτός τη κλωτσούσε και την πέταξε μέσα στη θάλασσα και πέταξε και το μωρό από την άλλη πλευρά”.
Οι λιμενικοί “έσβησαν το προβολέα που είχαν αναμμένο εκείνη την ώρα για να μην φαίνεται από τις τουρκικές ακτές τι συνέβαινε μέσα στη θάλασσα”
λέει ο κ. Λομανί.

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Italian

Grecia – Naufragio Farmakonisi. La Guardia Costiera ha ucciso 12 migranti
Secondo l’Unhcr i testimoni accusano la Guardia Costiera greca di aver affogato alcuni migranti vicino l’isola di Famakonisi
Si ringrazia Atenecalling.org per la segnalazione e la traduzione da x-pressed
Secondo l’annuncio dell’UNHCR: “i testimoni sopravvissuti raccontano che la nave della Guardia Costiera stava trainando una barca piena di migranti a grande velocità verso le coste della Turchia, quando è accaduto il tragico incidente in mezzo al mare agitato. Gli stessi testimoni hanno detto che la gente gridava chiedendo aiuto, visto che nella barca c’erano molti bambini”.
Le organizzazioni internazionali hanno condannato diverse volte la pratica delle autorità greche per obbligare i migranti a tornare in Turchia.
L’UNHCR ha chiesto spiegazioni alle autorità greche sulla “sparizione” misteriosa di decine di migranti per colpa della polizia greca, su casi che hanno causato proteste internazionali contro il governo greco. In altri casi, i residenti delle isole periferiche hanno riferito che i migranti che dovevano essere trasferiti nei centri di accoglienza dei porti non sono mai arrivati.
http://www.meltingpot.org/Naufragio-Farmakonisi-la-Guardia-Costiera-ha-ucciso-12.html#.UuJaohBYmM8
Il comunicato dell’UNHCR
L’Alto Commissariato delle Nazioni Unite per i Rifugiati (UNHCR) è costernato per il naufragio di un’imbarcazione a largo delle coste greche nelle prime ore di ieri, che è costato la vita ad una donna e a un bambino. Sono ancora 10 le persone scomparse, tra loro bambini e ragazzi.
In base alle informazioni ricevute da alcuni dei 16 sopravvissuti e dalla Guardia Costiera Greca, l’imbarcazione aveva a bordo 26 afghani e 2 siriani ed è stata intercettata nel Mar Egeo del sud poco dopo mezzanotte a seguito di un guasto meccanico, apparentemente diretta dalla Turchia alla Grecia. La barca, con tutte le 28 persone ancora a bordo, si è capovolta mentre veniva scortata da un vessillo della Guardia Costiera. I sopravvissuti, che ora si trovano nell’isola di Leros, hanno riferito all’UNHCR che al momento del naufragio, l’imbarcazione era scortata verso la Turchia.
“L’UNHCR esorta le autorità a indagare su questo incidente e sul motivo per cui queste vite siano state perse su un’imbarcazione che già era a rimorchio”, ha dichiarato Laurens Jolles, Delegato UNHCR per il Sud Europa. “Inoltre i sopravvissuti devono essere rapidamente trasferiti in altre località, così da poter rispondere in maniera più adeguata alle loro necessità.”
Quello di martedì è il primo incidente di questo genere nel 2014, e l’ultimo di una lunga serie di tragedie nel Mediterraneo, che coinvolgono persone in fuga via mare verso l’Europa. Il 3 ottobre 2013, in Italia, più di 360 persone sono morte in un naufragio a largo dell’isola di Lampedusa. A questo sono seguiti diversi altri incidenti mortali nelle settimane successive.
Le traversate irregolari del mar Mediterraneo generalmente coinvolgono flussi migratori misti di migranti e richiedenti asilo, tuttavia, a causa dei conflitti in Siria e nel Corno d’Africa è stato registrato un aumento delle morti di persone in fuga da guerre e dalle persecuzioni.
Nel 2013, circa 40.000 persone sono arrivate irregolarmente in Italia, Malta e Grecia via mare. Nel 2011, durante la crisi in Libia, gli arrivi erano stati più di 60.000. Le traversate irregolari del Mediterraneo si verificano in genere tra marzo e ottobre, nei mesi primaverili ed estivi, ma quest’anno stanno proseguendo anche durante l’inverno, nonostante condizioni meteorologiche estreme. Finora, solo in Italia, sono arrivate via mare oltre 1.700 persone.

SOURCE: http://risinggalaxy.wordpress.com/2014/01/25/farmakonisi-crime-against-humanity-englishspanishgreekitalian/

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